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A HISTORY OF MILAN

UNDER THE VISCONTI

A HISTORY OF MILAN UNDER THE SFORZA By Crciria M. Apy

A HISTORY OF VERONA By A. M. ALLEN

A HISTORY OF PERUGIA By WiLit1Am HEywoop

A SHORT HISTORY OF THE PAPACY By Mary I. M. BEtu

A HISTORY OF MILAN

UNDER THE VISCONTI

BY

DOROTHY MUIR

METHUEN & CO. LTD. 36 ESSEX STREET W.C. | LONDON

First Published in 1924

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CONTENTS

CHAPTER I. INTRODUCTORY - - - - - =

Milan—Origin and situation—Early history—Rise of the ‘‘ Tyrannis”»—The della Torre and the Visconti.

II. THE ORIGIN AND RISE OF THE VISCONTI =

Origin of the Visconti—Race and possessions—Early senealogy—Rise of Archbishop Ottone—The rivalry with the della Torre—Matteo Visconti—His first period of rule— Temporary defeat by the della Torre—Emperor Henry— Matteo made Vicar of Lombardy.

Ill. MATTEO THE GREAT - - - - &

Student at Bologna—Lord of Milan—Policy of aggression —Genoa, Cremona, and Vicenza—Quarrel with the Papacy —Matteo and Dante—Accusation of sorcery—Excommuni- ation—Deputation of Milanese nobles—Policy of the egate—Matteo’s abdication and death.

IV. GALEAZZO AND AZZO - - - - =

Difficulties of Galeazzo — F, amily dissensions—The “mperor’s intervention—Imprisonment of Galeazzo— telease and death—Azzo succeeds—He defies Louis— eace with the Pope—Quiet rule in Milan—Success in estoring dominions and in suppressing family dissensions.

VY. ARCHBISHOP GIOVANNI - es = = c

Joint rule with Luchino—Trouble with nephews— uchino’s difficulties—His death—Rule of Visconti made ereditary — Acquisitions of Giovanni—Account of the isconti territories, how gained and when—Bologna and 16 Visconti—Genoa acquired—Position of Venice—War ith Milan—Methods and Government of Visconti in their dssessions—Extension of Milanese.

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viil MILAN UNDER THE VISCONTI

VI. GALEAZZO II AND BERNABO = = = .

Great increase in Visconti power—Relations of the two brothers—Division of the territory—Arrival of the Emperor Charles—Galeazzo’s home policy—Pavia and Montferrat— Career of the Monk Bussolari—An early Savonarola— Siege of Pavia— Fall of Bussolari— Galeazzo goes to Pavia—Founding of the university—Montferrat introduces free companies—Galeazzo bribes the English—His successes against Montferrat—Savoy intervenes—Peace concluded— Giangaleazzo made of age—Murder of Montferrat—Foreign policy of Galeazzo—His great marriage alliances—Valen- tina’s birth and christening—Marriage of Violante and Lionel Duke of Clarence—Their wedding feast.

VII. BERNABO Seat ann : z 2 >

Bernabd, his character—Stories of his punishments — His justice—His jokes—Methods of government—Quarrels with the Papacy—League against the Lord of Bologna and efforts to recover it—Hawkwood employed by Bernabo— The schism—Bernabo’s relations with Florence—Victories of Mirandola and Rubiera— Quarrel with Hawkwood — Defeat of Bernab0—The Neapolitain succession—Alliance with France— Position of Giangaleazzo— Bernabo’s fall, imprisonment, and death.

VIII. GIANGALEAZZO = - - - - =

Giangaleazzo, character and education—Good govern- ment—Foreign policy of his reign—The Neapolitain question —French alliance—Marriage of Valentina—Kingdom of Adria—The voie de fait—The expedition of Stephen of Bavaria and Armagnac—Peace of Genoa—Bernabo’s heirs —League of Bologna—Alliance with Wenceslas and creation of the Duchy of Milan—Expedition of Emperor Rupert defeated—Home policy—Conquest of Verona and Padua— Birth of an heir—League of Florence and Bologna—War against Florence— Peace of Genoa—Mantuan league— Second war—Truce of 1398—Acquisition of Perugia and Siena—Advance in Tuscany—Florence calls in the Emperor —Advance on Florence—Death of Giangaleazzo—Estimate of his career.

IX. GIOVANNI MARIA - - - - = =

Position on death of Giangaleazzo—Caterina as regent— Enmity of Carrara—Venice also hostile—Cessions to Pope and to Venice—Outbreak of revolt—Caterina expelled from Milan—Character of Giovanni Maria—The charges against him—Facino Cane and the Duke—Murder of the Duke.

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CONTENTS

X. FILIPPO MARIA - - - ~ a a

Character— Obtains possession of Milan— Marriage to Beatrice Tenda—Policy of recovering his father’s possessions —Employment of condottieri—The mercenaries in Italy in the fifteenth century—Career of Carmagnola—His connexion with Filippo Maria—Milanese victories—Bergamo, Cremona, Parma, Piacenza, and Genoa recovered—Rise of Sforza— Flight of Carmagnola—War with Venice—Peace of Ferrara 1428—Montferrat and Savoy—Second Venetian war—Trial and death of Carmagnola—Plight of Montferrat—Milanese victory over the Swiss—Second peace of Ferrara—The Medici and Milan—Alliance of Milan and Savoy—Third war with Venetian league—Naval victory of Ponza— Successes of Filippo Maria—Venice sends for Sforza— Battle of Anghiari—Marriage of Sforza and Bianca Maria —Attack on Cremona—Desperate plight of Milan—Death of the Duke—Claimants to Duchy—The Ambrosian Republic— Estimate of Filippo Maria.

XI. SOCIAL LIFE UNDER THE VISCONTI - 5 =

Governing bodies — Legislation — Taxation — Justice— The podesta—Crime and punishments—Game laws—Classes —The Court—Drama—System of posts—Trade—Military system—Buildings—Sport—Food and Clothes—Valentina’s trousseau—Life at Pavia—The Castello at Pavia: rooms, library, and gardens.

XII. WOMEN OF THE VISCONTI FAMILY - = =

Regina della Scala, her children and their destinies—Her character—Her investments—Donnina dei Porri—Lucia and her proposed marriages—Agnese Gonzaga and her married life and execution—Catarina, wife of Giangaleazzo—Her life at Pavia—Difficulties after her husband’s death—Quarrel with her son and murder—Bianca of Savoy, and her Court at Pavia—Violante and Isabella—Valentina, her marriage and trousseau—Her life in Paris—Murder of Louis d’Orleans— Claim of Valentina’s heirs to Milan—Visconti descendants in France, Austria, and England.

XIII. ART AND LETTERS - - - - = 5

Petrarch, association with the Visconti—lIts justification— His Italian poetry and Latin works—Humanist—Minor poets —Political songs—Lament of Bernabs—University of Pavia— The new learning—Education of boys and girls—Ideals of the

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= MILAN UNDER THE VISCONTI

humanists—Greek scholars at Pavia—Effect on Europe— Architecture under the Visconti—The Duomo of Milan— Its foundation, organization and style—The Certosa of Pavia—Brickwork of Lombardy—Tombs of the Visconti —lIlluminated manuscripts—Coinage.

INDEX - - - - - - - - 251

TERRITORY - OF MILAN - UNDER - GIANGALEAZZ0-1578—

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MILAN UNDER THE VISCONTI

CHAPTER I INTRODUCTORY

Milan — Origin and situation — Early history — Rise of the “ Tyrannis ”—The della Torre and the Visconti.

ILAN is amongst those Italian cities whose M histories show a continuous vitality. From the remote past, down to the present day, she has been full of life and growth and activity. In the age of the despots she took the lead under the great Visconti ; their successors, the Sforzas, kept her in the front rank of the Renaissance States; she played an important part in the wars against the French invaders; and when the Hapsburgs added Northern Italy to their dynastic posses- sions she became a focus of the opposition which their misrule eventually produced. She was prominent in the formation of the modern kingdom of Italy, and to-day she is still full of life and vigour and apt to disturb her neighbours by her fiery activity.

A part of this vitality, which is so marked a characteristic, derives from her geographical situation. At first sight there seems no special reason why a city should have grown up in this place, for no great rivers run nearby, nor are there any natural features which make it a good defensive position. Further consideration shows, however, that the site was an admirable one for a commercial centre. The great plain which stretches round the city walls is very fertile, and across it passes one of the great routes into Italy. It is the meeting-place of many roads across the mountains.

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2 MILAN UNDER THE VISCONTI

Lombardy was the area traversed by all the different in-— yaders in turn, and they left behind them in Milan marked traces of their passing. Thus the Lombards, from whom the district still takes its name, bequeathed to the Milanese a taller stature and a fairer complexion than is found else- where in Northern Italy. When the invasions had sub- sided, trade continued to follow the paths marked out, and through the city passed a double volume, from north to south and from east to west.

Historically, Milan had been from very ancient times the chief city of the north-west. She was the capital of Cisalpine Gaul, though very few traces are left of that period. Com- pletely destroyed by the early barbarian invaders, she rose again to greatness under Ambrose, Archbishop and Saint. Helped by this connexion she recovered with extraordinary rapidity, and even after her destruction by Barbarossa she quickly regained her wealth and population.

The city, which by the thirteenth century had thus triumphantly asserted her strength, was a busy town, with a high level of civilization, and one of which we possess a curious picture. Bonvenius describes her in the year 1299 as having a population of 200,000 laity, with an additional 10,000 priests. There were 450 butchers, 450 fishmongers, 150 inns, and more than roo arm factories, for even in those days the Milanese were famed for their swords and armour. Every day 70 oxen were killed for meat, and during the season 60 cartloads of cherries would be brought into the city. In the whole territory the herds of oxen were reckoned at 30,000 pairs. There were goo mills for the grinding of corn, but these would not have sufficed if part of the popula- tion had not eaten chiefly chestnuts, millet, and bean. The professional classes, as catalogued by this writer, included "320 lawyers, 1,500 notaries, 28 doctors, 150 surgeons, 8 professors of ars grammatica, and 14 dottort di canto ambrosiano.

In this great city, already so highly organized, there

INTRODUCTORY 3

existed a deep and ancient cleavage between the classes. Three distinct bodies appear, representing a broad division of three main classes. The upper ranks of the nobles were organized into captains, who had originally been rural counts with large estates outside the city ; the vavasours, or gentry, were similarly formed into a body called the motta, which seems to have consisted of well-to-do, non- noble burghers and possibly the smaller nobility ; and the Credenza of St. Ambrose, a kind of political club formed and run by the butchers, bakers, bootmakers, etc., was in fact the organization of the lower classes.

Both the capitani and the vavassori had each their own council and their own captain, while the credenza had its own assembly and the podesta del popolo at its head.

Milan was unlike Florence in this, that the “ greater arts ” seem to have had little power and hardly appear as Separate political organizations. Some have found here the possible explanation of the ease with which a family despotism was established.

As regards the actual government of the commune, it was a working compromise between the councils of the organized classes. There was a great Council of Eight Hundred, of which one half was composed of capitani and the rest of the other classes in unknown proportions. The fodesta nominated one half of the whole Council, and as he was himself appointed in this period by the “ lord,” the Council was in consequence largely the instrument of the ruling family. The fodesid, as was usual throughout Italy, was a foreigner, and his position may be best explained as that of an impartial judge, brought in with the object of keeping justice free from local corruptions and feuds. Much of the administration was in his hands, and in Milan he had no bed of roses. One fodestd was murdered out of hand for raising the rates in order to provide a water-supply for the city. Suspicions of the wisdom of granting great power to one individual had led to the creation of a second podesta,

z MILAN UNDER THE VISCONTI

so that there was one for the capitani and one for the popolo. A vestige of popular control remained in the gathering of citizens known as the arrengo, but all power rested in reality in the hands of the strongly organized upper classes.

Between the nobles there existed the most bitter feuds. Guelfs and Ghibellines divided the city into factions, and, as in so many cases, it was here that the great families found their opportunities. The citizens found their peace disturbed and their commerce threatened by the fierce struggle between the respective supporters of Emperor and Pope, and until one faction could overwhelm the other there was small prospect of any happiness in Milan. Here the Guelf party was headed by the family of the della Torre, while at the head of the Ghibellines were the Visconti. The early years of the fourteenth century saw the sharp conflict of these two, and the rise of the Visconti from obscurity to triumphant rule.

CHAPTER II THE ORIGIN AND RISE OF THE VISCONTI

Origin of the Visconti—Race and possessions—Their early genealogy—Rise of Archbishop Ottone—The rivalry with the della Torre—Matteo Visconti—His first period of rule—Temporary defeat by the della Torre—The Emperor Henry—Matteo made Vicar of Lombardy.

F the origin of this extraordinarily gifted family little is known. When they became great,

chroniclers tried to magnify their house by finding famous lineage for them, but practically no documents exist to show us the truth. The contest with the Pope complicated matters further, for Matteo took advantage of the obscurity which hung round the family to make claims which his opponent found it hard to disprove.

It was known that the Visconti were an ancient stock of aristocratic origin, and in the golden hair and fair complexions which characterized them and which persisted to the end, may be found traces of the early Franks, a fair-headed race who had swept into Lombardy and intermarried with the existing population. The unusual Christian names which also mark them puzzled the old chroniclers who tried to derive ‘‘ Obizzo ” from “‘ Jacobus,” and got no further. In any case they appear, at the close of the thirteenth century, owning certain lands outside the city at Invorio, Oleggio, and Massino.

The family lands trace back probably to the “‘ donations ” made by Archbishop Landolfo in the tenth century. The Visconti also possessed certain rights in the city—some over weights and measures, which they surrendered to the commune in I21I; some over punishments, which they retained, and which, according to Fiamma, survived in the

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6 MILAN UNDER THE VISCONTI

right of the Visconti ladies to save malefactors from flogging by throwing their cloaks over them. The famous banner with the viper, from whose jaws emerges a naked child, existed from the tenth century, and many conjectures have been made as to its origin. A recent historian has put forward an explanation which throws a great deal of light on this much-discussed problem. The earliest mention of the “ Biscia ” is found in Bonvesio, and the first actual portrayal of the device is on a carved stone in the palace of Archbishop Ottone at Legnano. Bonvesio describes it as an azure serpent, from whose mouth is issuing a naked Saracen. The ground of the device is thought to have been white. The early descriptions and examples all give a serpent with one simple coil ; it is only after Bernabo’s time that we find the other convolutions added, together with the spiny crest and the crown which was granted by the Dukes of Austria. The transformation of the Saracen into a child also comes later. Further, the Legnano serpent has its mouth to the right ; the later ones all turn to the left. This change is also to be noted in the devices on the coinage. It is shown that the device had originally been granted by the Commune of Milan to the Visconti; the chroniclers, especially Bonvesio and Fiamma, are clear on this point. Many disputes, how- ever, arose as to the grounds on which it had been granted. The most picturesque story said that “‘ Uberto della Croce ”’ slew a Saracen in single combat while in the Holy Land and was given the crest in honour of his victory. Others went back to a mythical dragon killed in the ninth century. Some departed altogether from these lines, and Petrarch described Azzo Visconti resting beneath an oak and being miraculously preserved from a viper which had crept into his helmet and thence all over his body. At length a more possible origin has been suggested, and one which fits in with all the known facts. In 1002 Archbishop Arnolfo of Milan went on an embassy to Constantinople and brought back a famous relic, the brazen serpent, which was erected in San

THE ORIGIN AND RISE OF THE VISCONTI 7

Ambrogio, and which was supposed to be the original brazen serpent of Moses. This relic was for centuries the object of veneration to the Milanese, and still exists in the Basilica. When the city sent its first contingent to the first Crusade, Archbishop Arnolfo was too old to go, but he sent his Vice Conte, Ottone. As the children of Israel had prayed and been preserved in the wilderness through the brazen serpent, so the citizens of Milan prayed in San Ambrogio, before what they believed to be the selfsame serpent, that their compatriots might also be preserved in their journey through the Holy Land. What more natural, in view of this cult, than that the Crusading body should take as their emblem the famous serpent? Then on their triumphant return from Jerusalem they would add the Saracen being swallowed up, in token of the great victory they had won over the enemy. In support of this theory is the fact that the early viper of Legnano turns its head in the same direction and resembles in general the actual serpent in San Ambrogio, while the connexion of the Visconti banner with the first Crusade is spoken of by all the chroniclers.

Ottone, who as Vice Conte of the Archbishopric, gained the office in perpetuity for his family, probably gained for them also the use of this banner. In any case, he carved the stone at Legnano, and his family used the device after him. By the middle of the thirteenth century it is well established as the family device, though with the modifica- tions which have helped to obscure its origin.

As regards the growth of the Visconti, all we know for certain is that, by the irony of fate, this Ghibelline family owes its first step towards greatness to Archbishop Ottone, one of the earliest members who emerged from obscurity. Ottone was destined to start Matteo, later called “‘ the Great,’ on his career; but the relationship between the two is even now not clear. It has been proved that Matteo’s father was Tebaldo, “rector” of the valleys of

8 MILAN UNDER THE VISCONTI

Levantina and Blenio in 1255, and this Tebaldo was the nephew of Archbishop Ottone. Probably he was the son of Obizzo—Obizzo and Ottone being the sons of Uberto.

UBERTO. |

Obizzo. Ottone, Archbishop. Gaspare. Beatrice.

| Tebaldo.

Matteo, the Great.

Matteo was born in 1247 at Invorio, and the old tale went that at his birth the oxen left their stables and came out into the yard lowing, as if in greeting to the heir. He grew up to find his part waiting for him at the side of his great- uncle in the struggle with the della Torre, on which the family now embarked.

The della Torre are in reality the founders of the first tyranny in Milan. They, too, were an old family of Frankish descent belonging to the rural nobility. Martino della Torre was captain of the people in 1247, and his influence was very great. He headed the resistance to Ezzelino da Romano. In 1262 he found himself opposed by the Visconti in the candidature for the Archbishopric of Milan. Raymondo della Torre was elected, but Urban IV held that the appointment had lapsed to himself and nominated Ottone Visconti. Pure force decided the matter, Ottone occupying what he could, and helped by his family and their resources. For years while the della Torre were in power Ottone could not even enter his See nor enjoy the fruits of his diocese.

Martino della Torre died in 1264, and though the Pope had placed him under an interdict he received the most splendid funeral Milan had yet seen. He was followed by his brother Filippo della Torre, who had for a while ruled as

THE ORIGIN AND RISE OF THE VISCONTI 9

_ podesta of the people for life, but his early death in 1265 left the headship of the family to Napo (Napoleone). This Napo became the typical ‘‘ tyrant ” of the day. He held court, with extravagant festivities, in the splendid palace which he built. He acted as host to illustrious visitors, of whom during these years there was an unprecedented influx. In 1251 Pope Innocent IV came to the city, in 1271 King Philip III of France, followed two years later by Edward I of England and his wife Eleanor, returning from the famous Crusade.

Napo reorganized the military forces of Milan, making a census and allotting to each household a quota of the support of onearmedman. In this way 19,000 families produced an army of 28,000 men. He completed the grand canal, and under, him the streets were elaborately paved.

Against this somewhat expensive rule discontent soon grew up, and when Napo induced the Emperor Rudolf to nominate him Imperial Vicar, his enemies began to move. Ottone Visconti had kept up a steady struggle for his rights and position, and had been aided by various mer- cenaries, and even by the Spanish troops of Alfonso of Castile.

The della Torre had grown careless with success, and this led to their being taken by surprise. The discontented nobles in the city banded together, and the Archbishop put himself at their head. They marched suddenly on their enemy and completely defeated the della Torre at Desio. Napo was himself taken prisoner and died in a cage, while Ottone Visconti became Lord of Milan.

He seems to have considered himself as ruling in his capacity of Archbishop, for his executive was ecclesiastical, not military. He had the right to appoint all the chief officials, the podesta, and the captain and podesta of the merchants. He was warmly supported by the nobility, who always preferred the Visconti to the della Torre. In return for this support the harsh statutes against the nobles were

10 MILAN UNDER THE VISCONTI

repealed. Certain changes were made in the Constitution, and now for the first time we hear of the twelve Sapzentes, beneath whom came the Council of the Eight Hundred.

For a time Ottone was not strong enough to stand alone. He was obliged to call in the help of a leader of mercenaries, William of Montferrat, whom he made captain-general for five years, later extended to ten. However, in 1282 the Archbishop excluded William from the city, and the death of the soldier following soon after freed the Visconti from any danger from that quarter.

By this time it became clear that the family could advance a step further on their road to dominion. The Archbishop might be considered as ruler by virtue of his office, but if the family could obtain secular power their position would be changed into something far more considerable and give hopes of its becoming more permanent. Accordingly, in 1287 Ottone proposed a new captain-general, and the choice fell upon his great-nephew, Matteo Visconti. The election was nominal, the term supposed to be for six months. But for five years Matteo contrived to be continually re-elected, and he ended by having the office conferred on him for five more years. Encouraged by these successes he went further, and his next piece of preferment was a true indica- tion of the means whereby his family might rise to greatness. He succeeded in getting the Emperor, Adolf of Nassau, to appoint him Vicar of Lombardy. This was the beginning of that official connexion with the emperors which was one of the most powerful instruments of the Visconti.

Now came the critical moment in Milan. Matteo already acted as administrator for his great-uncle, and the city was accustomed to his rule. In 1295 Ottone died, but no objections were raised and no challenge issued to Matteo’s continuance in power. He seems to have gone on quietly and successfully. In 1299 the Council confirmed his captaincy for another five years, and he was now given the

THE ORIGIN AND RISE OF THE VISCONTI 11

power to make peace or war ; the Emperor Albert, successor to Adolf, confirmed the Vicariate and all seemed securely established.

Some of the externals of power began to appear. Matteo styled himself Vicar-General of the King of the Romans in Lombardy, and Captain-General of the people of Milan, Como, Vercelli, Novara, Alessandria, and Casale. He lived in style, supported by the wealth which the family derived from their estates, and in the year 1300 he was able to give a magnificent wedding to his eldest son, Galeazzo, who married Beatrice d’Este, sister of the Marquis of Ferrara and young widow of Nono, Lord of Gallura. Galeazzo was created captain of the people, along with his father, for two years, a significant sign of the permeation of the hereditary principle.

Now, however, a sudden change came. The city itself was happier and more peaceful than it had been for a long time, and as far as can be seen no popular movement disturbed the Visconti. The rival family had for a while been forced to acquiesce, but they could not let their house be displaced without a further struggle. As the Visconti had buttressed their power with the imperial alliance it was easy for the della Torre to league the Guelfic cities against them. ‘The details are obscure, but in 1302 the della Torre returned to Milan as private citizens, and Matteo’s position became untenable. He withdrew for a while from the city and lived in complete retirement in the country. His sons left Milan also, Galeazzo going to his wife’s relations at Ferrara, where his only son, Azzo, was born.

The della Torre were determined to take his place, and in 1307 Guido, head of their house, was made captain of the popolani for one year. He took advantage of his opportunity to try to consolidate his position on the lines usually followed when a family was endeavouring to impose itself on a weakening republic. At the close of his year of office an assembly was held of the Council of Eight

12 MILAN UNDER THE VISCONTI

Hundred, the crvedenza, and the trades, numbering in all about 3,000 persons.

Guido made some excuse to go home, and in his absence his supporters brought forward a proposal that he should be elected captain of the popolani for life (a position Matteo had never attained), with full power to alter the statutes of the city. This was carried unanimously, and, in spite of pretended reluctance on his part, the office was forced upon him. He took up his residence in the Bidetto Vecchio and his cousin was elected Archbishop.

This appointment was destined to ruin the family, for it at once produced dissensions among them. The new Archbishop considered that he should lead the house, and a large body of his relations agreed. Guido had no intention of allowing this and arrested the whole of them.

At this moment the Emperor Henry VII appeared in Italy, intending to be crowned in Milan with the “ Iron Crown ”’ and to proceed to Rome. His coming was utilized by the Visconti with all the astuteness which was their marked characteristic. Matteo went to meet Henry at Asti, his friend Franceso Garbagnate, who was an intimate at Henry’s Court, having prepared the way for his visit. His friendly, courteous ways made an excellent impression, and Henry allowed him to accompany the imperial army to Milan. There a great contrast was observed in the behaviour of the della Torre. As Guelfs they were not likely to receive the emperor with warmth, but Guido went further and was the last to appear to welcome Henry, showing himself surly and thoroughly hostile. The emperor remained in the city for some weeks, and the truth of what occurred during his stay is hard to discover. Some sort of plot seems to have been made against him. The della Torre were certainly the originators; whether Matteo concurred is unknown, though, on the face of it, such action is im- probable, for he owed his return to Henry and had nothing to gain by plotting against him with the family foe. In

THE ORIGIN AND RISE OF THE VISCONTI 13

any case, the storm broke: the story of the plot was taken to Henry, who sent troops to the houses of della Torre and Visconti alike. Matteo got word of their approach and received them sitting peacefully in his courtyard, chatting. to his household. He met them with fair words and, what appealed to them more, good wine and good food. Then, having thus demonstrated his friendliness, he went to pacify Henry.

The della Torre meanwhile were caught unawares. Some of them fled and others resisted and fought till they were cut down. Guido himself only escaped with difficulty by hiding himself in a monastery.

From this disaster the della Torre never recovered. Their prestige was gone; they became exiles and their rivals were restored with all the additional advantages of imperial favour, for Henry marked his appreciation of Matteo’s correct attitude towards him by creating him Imperial Vicar in Milan.

As a matter of course, Milan followed the emperor’s lead. Matteo was once more elected Captain-General, and this time power was to pass definitely into the hands of the Visconti. Matteo began his second period of rule with a far stronger position than when he had crept upwards behind his great-uncle, the Archbishop. He begins now to figure as the first of a real dynasty.

CHAPTER III MATTEO THE GREAT

Student at Bologna—Lord of Milan—Policy of aggression— Genoa, Cremona, Vicenza—Quarrel with the Papacy—Accusation of sorcery—Excommunication—Deputation of Milanese nobles to the Legate—Matteo’s abdication.

ATTEO had in the beginning made his way M entirely through his great-uncle’s influence, and in these first years of rule we know very little about him apart from Ottone. He is known to have been a scholar at the famous University of Bologna. In the early thirteenth century there had studied in that city such great men as Rudolf of Hapsburg, cousin of the Emperor, Henry of Brandenburg, Giacomo Colonna of Rome, Amedeo of Savoy, and amongst these names we find that of Matteo Visconti of Milan. He was there as a student in 1288, being then about forty years of age, and having been for six years associated with his uncle Ottone in the lordship of Milan. He figures on the register as vice-dominus medio- lanensis, but what he studied and for how long is unknown. He seems always to have kept up a friendly association with the university town, for later he acted as arbitrator between Bologna and her “ exiles,” and succeeded in making peace between them. When his eldest son married, Bologna sent a splendid wedding present of two horses, accompanied by two grooms with rich garments of scarlet, trimmed with many colours, the whole being valued at 4,000 lire Bolognese.

He was at the period of his rise to solitary power growing anold man. He was over sixty years of age, and perhaps for this reason he had associated Galeazzo with himself in

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MATTEO THE GREAT 15

office, although known to be somewhat jealous of his son. Besides Galeazzo there were now four more grown-up sons —Marco, Luchino, Stefano (whose beautiful tomb exists in San Eustorgio), and Giovanni. This band of splendid young men was of the greatest assistance to Matteo, for they led his troops, occupied new territories, and maintained a solid family front. With them behind him Matteo felt able to embark on a policy of territorial aggression. Though successful at first, it was this policy which involved him in the famous quarrel with the Pope, which is one of the main features of his life.

Already, in 1317, he had assumed the title of Prince, or Lord, of Milan. He had allied himself with Can Grande della Scala, the great Ghibelline Lord of Verona. With Can Grande’s help Matteo attacked Cremona, which, however, defended itself well and held out against the allies. Luchino Visconti was more successful at the head of his little army, with which he had been sent to attack Alessandria and Tortona. Both places were obliged to yield and were occupied by Luchino’s troops. Next came an attack on Genoa. There the Guelfic faction was headed by Grimaldi, with whom Matteo made an alliance. The Ghibellines were headed by Doria and Spinola. The Guelfs, anxious to buy off Matteo, offered to carry through an agreement whereby Milanese goods should enter Genoa duty free. Matteo refused on the grounds that such an agreement was contrary to his alliance with Spinola. Marco went with a body of the Visconti troops to besiege the city, but was beaten off by the Guelfs, who had called Robert of Naples to their aid. This was followed in 1318 by a successful attack on Cremona, which was entered by night. In the same year Can Grande at last forced Vicenza to capitulate,

Matteo was now Lord of Milan, Pavia, Piacenza, Bergamo, Alessandria and Tortona, Como and Novara, The Emperor Henry VII had, in 1311, made him Imperial Vicar of Milan, but on Henry’s death the Empire was disputed by two rival

16 MILAN UNDER THE VISCONTI

claimants. The Pope took advantage of the strife and declared the Empire to be vacant. He summoned Matteo, in 1317, to abandon the title of Imperial Vicar, which Matteo did, calling himself merely Lord of Milan.

This was the climax of his power. In view of his marked Ghibelline views it was not likely that the Pope would allow him to consolidate and increase his possessions. John XXII from his palace at Avignon now summoned both Matteo and Can Grande to “‘ obey the Church.” Both replied that they could not recognize Papal authority, for they held their power from the Emperor. This amounted to a declaration of independence and was bound to lead to open war, which, indeed, speedily followed.

In the struggle it is strange to see how temporal and spiritual weapons were combined. In the age of these early Italian potentates it was extremely difficult for any prince to make clear his position, while the Pope could always rouse up doubts amongst his opponents’ subjects by intro- ducing spiritual questions. It was this power which militated so strongly against Matteo. To begin with, John was able to attack Matteo’s title to be Vicar-General of Lombardy, owing to two decrees of his predecessor, Pope Clement V, declaring the Emperor to be a vassal of the Pope in virtue of the oath that he swore on coronation, and further declaring that the Pope, during a vacancy in the Empire, had a right to appoint the Vicar. At this time the Papacy was settled at Avignon and already subject to the influence of France. The Empire was on the death of Henry VII disputed by Louis of Bavaria and Frederick of Austria. The Pope took advantage of the dispute to appoint as Vicar of Lombardy Robert of Naples, a man who intended to use the troubled state of affairs to advance his own interests,

In June of 1320 Cardinal Bertrando del Poggetto, acting as Papal Legate, summoned Matteo to appear and answer for his having unlawfully taken the position of Vicar-General and, “to the greater displeasure of the Holy See dared to

MATTEO THE GREAT 17

call himself Lord of Milan.’’ He was also bidden to allow the della Torre to return, and at once refused, saying that there were in the city “ more than fifty nobles who would rather eat their own sons than allow that family to return.” An army was sent against him commanded by Philip of Valois, but it failed to accomplish anything at all. Further charges were now brought forward and Matteo was accused of heresy, as well as contumacy, in February, 1321. He was now summoned to appear before the court of inquiry held by Archbishop Aicardo, together with his sons, and all their aiders and abettors. No notice was taken of this summons by Matteo and sentence was accordingly pro- nounced against him. He was deprived of all “ privileges, immunities, fiefs, honours, and concessions of all sorts made to him by the Church or the Empire,’”’ and he was further threatened with excommunication and deposition unless he appeared before the court to be held by the Archbishop of Milan at Bergoglio near Alessandria. Matteo did now send procurators to the court, but declared himself unable to appear in person, having “‘ passed his seventy-fourth year, and being moreover afflicted with podraga (gout) and with ‘sore feet.’’’ These excuses were not accepted, for to the Archbishop’s knowledge these ailments did not prevent Matteo from “ riding in and out of the city of Milan every day.” Then instead of Matteo there appeared Marco Visconti at the head of so large a body of troops that the Archbishop fled in terror. He reached Valenza, and there summoning several bishops, abbots, and juris consults, issued the second sentence of the Church, March 22, 1322.

This was based upon very serious grounds, the material question having given place to the spiritual. The charges against Matteo and his sons included both heresy and sorcery, and even at this early date those vague stories of evil practices and strange secret doings which have clung so persistently around Visconti memories begin to appear. The accusation of sorcery is interesting chiefly for the light

2

18 MILAN UNDER THE VISCONTI

it throws on the superstitions of the age, and it has acquired some additional importance from the fact that Dante’s name was brought in, and implications made against him asa ‘“‘ magician.” The case really rested on the story of one man, Bartolomeo Cagnolato. He was a man who for years had been an outlaw from Milan for debt, and in February, 1320, he appeared at the Papal Court at Avignon. He was a friend of one of the della Torre, many of whose partizans had taken up their abode at Avignon, and he had some reputation as a sorcerer. Somehow he was brought to the notice of the Pope, who heard his story and ordered him to tell it before a secret commission. This commission was composed of three persons, two of whom were nephews of the Pope. It can in no sense be called an impartial body ; it was intended to collect evidence to be used against the Visconti and to enable the Pope to combine ecclesiastical and military weapons in the attack he had already planned against them.

The story told by Bartolomeo falls into two parts. At the first sitting he said that in October, 1319, he had been summoned to appear before Matteo at Milan, and given a safe conduct to protect him against his debtors. On arrival at the palazzo he found with Matteo, Scotto, one of the judges of the credenza, and the doctor, Pelecane. Scotto produced a silver statue, inscribed on the forehead with the Pope’s name, and on the breast with the word ‘‘ AMAYONE,” which Bartolomeo explained to the commission was the name of a devil, “‘ Mammon,” and which meant that rites were to be performed in the name of the devil’s master, Satan. Scotto told him that the statue was to be “ fumi- gated,” but Bartolomeo declared that he knew nothing of this operation. Scotto then asked him for a sugar of “mapello,” explained to be a poisonous herb, but Bartolomeo asserted he knew of no such poison. He was then sent away. A month later he was again’ sent for to Matteo’s presence, and asked if he would take the statue to

MATTEO THE GREAT 19

one Pietro Nani, of Verona. He refused to do so, and went home again. Later he met Scotto in the street and went to his house to explain some magic formula. He then asked Scotto about the silver image, and Scotto produced it and showed him a fresh name inscribed ‘‘ MERoyN,” which he thought must be that of another devil. Scotto told him that the rites were going well, and were to last for sixty-two nights, after which the statue would be melted. Bartolomeo explained to the commission that this probably meant that the person represented by the statue would suffer from its melting.

After this sitting a payment of one hundred florins was made secretly to Bartolomeo by the Pope. Eight months later he again appeared before the commission, now con- sisting of two persons only, for Bertrando had been sent as Legate to begin the crusade against the Visconti. Bartol- omeo now stated that he had returned to Milan in March, and had been seized and put to the torture by Scotto for having been to Avignon. Bartolomeo had protested that he had gone only to cure Cardinal Orsini of an illness, and produced a forged letter in support. This did not avail him much, and after having been imprisoned for forty-two days he was ransomed by his relations. He had then received a message from Galeazzo Visconti asking him to go to Piacenza. He did so, and was told that the affair of the image was not going well, and his help was requiredj Galeazzo said that the Pope was laying waste Lombardy, and that to destroy him would be an act of charity. Bartolomeo asked for time to reflect, and in reply Galeazzo told him to reflect well, for he had “ already sent to Messer Dante Aligheri of Florence to assist in this affair.’ Barto- lomeo replied that Dante had better do the work, and Galeazzo said, in answer, that he did not wish to employ Dante, as he had complete confidence in Bartolomeo’s qualifications. After two days’ reflection Bartolomeo said that he would do what he could, and explained to the

20 MILAN UNDER THE VISCONTI

commission that he only said this to deceive the Visconti. He was then given the statue. At this point he undid a bundle and produced a silver statue before the commission, with the aforesaid words inscribed onit. There his evidence ended. Further payments were made and continued for nine years, during which time he remained at Avignon. His story was never published to the world, though the charges of witchcraft were founded solely on his evidence, and the report of the commission has remained in the Vatican archives until brought into prominence by modern writers.

One or two points should be noticed. The whole tale is that of only one man, who on his own showing had played a double part. As such, perhaps, it was not used by the Papacy, which conformed to the rule that two witnesses were needed to prove a charge. Further, Bartolomeo never accounts for the behaviour of the Visconti in con- tinuing their attempts to employ a man who persistently refused their offers. Nor does he explain how Galeazzo came to trust with the image a man who had been im- prisoned and tortured for negotiating with Avignon, nor how he escaped and brought it safely to the Papal Court. Further the accusation against Dante, though quite seriously discussed by a recent writer, rests on the very flimsiest grounds. Bartolomeo says Galeazzo told him that he had written to Dante ; even if Galeazzo did say so, it may have been a mere threat to induce Bartolomeo to accept the offer. If Galeazzo did write to Dante there is no sort of proof that Dante ever accepted, or would ever have thought of doing so. Apparently all that can be said in support of such an accusation is that Dante was a close friend of Can Grande of Verona, and a known enemy of the Papacy, and that at Can Grande’s Court dwelt also that Pietro Nani who was said to be a skilled magician. In any case, Dante was not then at Verona, but at Ravenna. The whole story, indeed, only shows the extraordinary credulity

MATTEO THE GREAT | 21

of the age. Matteo and Galeazzo may have tried these methods of injuring their great enemy. Other sorcery trials have all the same features—the use of images, and employ- ment of formulas supposed to bring about death ; they were common not only in Italy but throughout Europe. In any case, whether true or not, the story was meant to arouse prejudice against Matteo, and the progress of events showed - this clearly.

In this connexion it is interesting to find that the inter- course between Dante and the Visconti seems quite imaginary. The whole story is probably based on the political enmity between the Papacy, the Visconti, and Dante’s patron, Can Grande of Verona. There is no certain knowledge that Dante ever met any of the Visconti, much less that he corresponded confidentially with them, and the references to them in his works are quite superficial. The chief one is to be found in the Purgatorio where he meets and talks with Nino of Gallura. Nino complains of his wife’s re-marriage to Galeazzo Visconti. He refers to the many misfortunes of the Visconti, and says that Beatrice (his wife) would have done better had she never exchanged the blazoning of Gallura’s cock for that of the Visconti viper. Galeazzo,it may be noted, was singled out from his brothers and given special attention by the Papal accusers, though his character and conduct were better than those of Luchino. He was reported to be addicted to the worship of images and to the study of omens, and to keep waxen figures through which he wrought harm to his enemies. But all these charges are unsubstantiated, and the evidence against him was given in secret, and never published.

The second charge, that of heresy, is in a way of more interest to modern thought. The Visconti were to show themselves an exceptionally brilliant and intellectual family. They were also utterly careless of the opinion of others. Matteo, apparently, and his sons with him, did not accept the verdicts of the Church with regard to either

22 MILAN UNDER THE VISCONTI

doctrine or morals, and did not scruple to say so publicly. They were charged with having denied the doctrine of the Resurrection, and with having declared that it was not “reasonable”? for the Church to forbid immorality. Luchino in particular was accused of putting his theories into practice at the expense of the nuns in the cities he had captured.

Accordingly, as heretics, Matteo, his sons, and his nephews fell under the ban. Their possessions were declared con- fiscated, and plenary absolution from all sins was promised to all who would take up arms against them. In a Bull of February 23, 1322, this crusade was proclaimed against the Visconti, their adherents were summoned to appear before the Church, and Milan itself was placed under an interdict.

Troops, headed by Raimondo da Cardona and Henry of Austria, moved on the city from different directions. They were however driven off by the Visconti armies, led by Marco and Galeazzo. Nor did the outlying towns desert their lord. The Legate had summoned individuals from many of these places, and the list shows the wide range of Visconti influence. Many individuals were named in Pavia, Alessandria, Valenza, Tortona, Vercelli, Milana, Lodi, Cremona, Crema, Como, Castelnuovo. Very few, however, obeyed the summons.

There is an interesting passage in Fiamma concerning the action of the Papacy. On the one hand it was held that the Pope ought not to engage in war, his concerns were with spiritual matters. Nor should he attack others; he had no claim on Milan and it was not just to begin to war on her. On the other hand, the Visconti were adjudged heretics, and in consequence their lands came under an interdict ; and here the Pope might be said to be using spiritual weapons in a spiritual matter. The effect on the Milanese was soon seen. The people did not, perhaps, differentiate between the Papal weapons; they saw that they were suffering through the quarrels of the Visconti.

MATTEO THE GREAT 23

In consequence, Milan itself did not prove loyal. The people murmured against the inconvenience of the interdict. They were also discontented by reason of the “ imposts and taxes” which the little wars had caused Matteo to impose “‘ four times in every year.” Eventually, in April, 1322, a deputation of twelve was sent by the city to wait on the Cardinal Legate. Bertrando begged them to depose Matteo and rid the city of his domination and of that of the della Torre, which might replace it. Apparently he con- vinced the twelve ; they were strongly urged to fall in with _his suggestions by Francesco da Garbagnate, who had acquired a personal grudge against Matteo for not making him captain of the militia. The Legate’s terms were agreed to.

On their return to the city the deputation first went to Matteo and informed him that, for the good of the city, they had decided on peace with the Church. Matteo gave them no spoken reply, merely turned his back flatly upon them. On this “ they went out and moved all the citizens to cry, “Peace, peace.’”’

Matteo, for his part, had no intention of peace being obtained at his expense. He called a Parliament of the chief Ghibellines of Lombardy to consider the matter. The deputation of twelve was summoned before them and severely reprimanded. Galeazzo was recalled from Piacenza; but Matteo probably knew that the forces against him were too strong; appeals to the superstition of his subjects were all the more dangerous for being in- tangible. The action that he proceeded to take has been interpreted as either a confession of weakness and defeat or a master stroke of craft in the substitution of a more popular personality than his own, In any case, he now declared that he wished to give himself up to a life of retire- ment and devotion, Hesolemnly gave over the government to his eldest son, Galeazzo. This was in any case a blow to the opposition. The Legate had urged on the deputation

24 MILAN UNDER THE VISCONTI

of twelve the importance of obtaining Matteo’s resignation, — with the intention of replacing his authority by that of the Pope. Matteo now simply transferred his power to the next representative of his family. He himself went to pay ~ a visit to the Church of St. Giovanni Battista at Monza, He set out to return to Milan, and, apparently with great suddenness, fell ill on the way and died peacefully on June 24, 1322.

Fiamma gives us a brief account of his personality and appearance. He tells us that Matteo was tall, fair-haired, and blue-eyed. He was physically extremely strong, and was reputed to be able to break a horse-shoe in two with his bare hands. He was generally considered to be humane, patient, good-tempered, and very prudent, and certain of his actions in the various crises of his life bear out this judgment. In contrast to the evil reputation given him at the Papal court, Fiamma lays stress on the good name he enjoyed with the local clergy of Milan, to whom he was a generous patron. He was said to be strict in his religious observances, and to see that all his followers and servants made their confessions regularly. This of course is quite inconsistent with the account given of him at the so-called inquiry into his sorcery, but it must be remembered that the inquiry was secret, no evidence was asked for on Matteo’s behalf, and the Papal court, far away at Avignon, had to depend on the information of spies, and interested agents,

CHAPTER IV GALEAZZO AND AZZO

Difficulties of Galeazzo—Family dissensions—Emperor’s inter- vention—Imprisonment of Galeazzo—Release and death—Azzo succeeds—Defies Louis—Peace with Pope—Quiet rule in Milan— Success in restoring dominions and in suppressing family dissensions.

on to his son. Galeazzo summoned the Grand

Council and was by them unanimously acclaimed as ruler in succession to his father. This was important as a recognition of primogeniture, and, as the first transition of power is usually the most difficult, the Visconti may well have felt that they had gained much ground. Galeazzo, however, found only too soon that trouble in another form was upon him. He intended to carry on the struggle against the Pope, but a member of his own family—his cousin Lodrisio—appeared as head of the opposing party. Lodrisio seems to have objected chiefly to the concentration of the family power in the hands of the eldest son. He succeeded in bribing Galeazzo’s mercenaries, and after three days of fighting in the city Galeazzo, with his brothers Luchino, Marco, and Stefano, were driven out, November, 1322. Lodrisio, in a sense, took over the rule, though the Signoria was granted for one year to one “ Jean de la Torre,” a Savoyard, who pretended to be a member of the della Torre family. The Legate, indeed, openly supporting the della Torre, ranged himself definitely on their side in the revival of the faction fight. The Guelfs outside the city seized their opportunity. Most of the Visconti acqui- sitions regained their independence, but the Papal Legate secured Parma and Piacenza. Piacenza, indeed, was lost

25

Te personal difficulties of Matteo were not handed

26 MILAN UNDER THE VISCONTI

to the Visconti by Galeazzo’s own behaviour. He fatally offended Versuzio Lando, one of the chief nobles of the town, the story being that he, quite unsuccessfully, made love to Lando’s beautiful wife, Bianchina. Lando allied himself with the Papal Legate and drove out Visconti’s men in October, 1322. It was on this occasion that Galeazzo’s wife, Beatrice d’Este, is said to have saved their little son from falling into the hands of the Papal troops. ‘‘ Having the firmness to remain exposed to insults in her palace and throwing money to the victorious mob, thus keeping them occupied while Azzone was in haste sent away, her virtues being so much respected by the enemy that they escorted her with honour outside Piacenza.’’ The Papal army now threatened Alessandria and Tortona. This was not at all to the taste of Lodrisio, who, seeing the ruin with which his action threatened the dynasty, retreated and allowed Galeazzo to return as a private citizen in December, 1322. Immediately the nobles, alarmed at the revival of the della Torre in Lombardy, rallied to his support. Within three weeks he was declared “‘ protector of the city of Milan,” against which the Papal army now advanced. The siege that followed was a great strain on Galeazzo’s resources, and in despair he applied to the Emperor Louis of Bavaria. Louis was not recognized as Emperor by the Pope, who had at this juncture appointed Robert of Naples Imperial Vicar in Lombardy. If this appointment were allowed to stand Louis would clearly lose all influence in Italy. Accordingly, he decided to help the Visconti in their struggle, and sent troops who raised the siege. Galeazzo was able to profit by the help sent him and by the divisions among the Papal troops. He succeeded in inflicting a serious defeat on the “‘ Crusaders.” His brother Marco seems to have possessed real military gifts, and at the head of the Visconti forces he issued from the city and won a complete victory at Vaprio on the Adda, in 1324, the Crusading leader, Raimondo da Cardona, being taken

GALEAZZO AND AZZO — 27

prisoner. Before the year was out the whole district had been cleared of the invaders, and Monza itself was recovered in December, There Galeazzo began to build the famous prisons, probably with the idea that Milan itself was not a good place in which to keep powerful enemies.

For the moment Galeazzo was saved, but he felt the position was too dangerous and began to negotiate for a peace with John XXII, offering in return for permission to hold Milan as Imperial Vicar to keep five hundred horse at the disposal of the Pope. These negotiations, though forwarded by John XXII himself, were brought to nothing by Robert of Naples, who wished to make himself master of Lombardy.

Meanwhile the family dissensions broke out more fiercely than before. Marco Visconti, next in age to Galeazzo, turned against his brother and made common cause with Lodrisio, The two together plotted to overthrow Galeazzo, who in vain tried to bribe them with offers of huge portions of the archiepiscopal fiefs. Finally Marco sent an appeal to the Emperor Louis of Bavaria begging him to come to Milan and depose Galeazzo from the Vicariate. The Emperor found it convenient to listen to this appeal. In 1327 he arrived in Milan, and though at first he confirmed Galeazzo as Vicar, he followed up this action by summoning a council, at which he declared himself aggrieved with the Visconti’s behaviour, and notably with the negotiations with the Pope. Galeazzo, his brother Giovanni, and his son Azzo were all imprisoned in the dungeons of Monza, which Galeazzo himself had recently built. Stefano, the youngest brother, had just died, as the result of a drinking bout. The old story, now discredited, was that Stefano acted as cup-bearer at the banquet of the Emperor Louis, and being bidden to taste the wine did so and fell dead, the cup being presumably poisoned. Marco remained at liberty and set out with the Emperor to Rome.

At Rome Louis was duly crowned Emperor, but not, of

28 MILAN UNDER THE VISCONTI

course, by the hands of the Pope John, who was far away at Avignon. Now, indeed, fresh trouble was to arise, for the Franciscans, who had come into conflict with John over the question of apostolic poverty, declared him to be a heretic. The Roman populace supported the crusade against the absentee head of the Church. A friar was elected by the people and clergy of Rome and proclaimed himself Pope Nicholas V. The schism thus begun was to produce far- reaching effects, and it reacted almost at once on the position of the Emperor. Louis failed in his attack upon Robert of Naples ; he found that the partizans of the Papacy rallied in support of John XXII. Rome soon tired of him and he prepared to withdraw from Italy. His route, of course, would bring him once more past Milan, where the Visconti rule seemed to have fallen completely into abeyance.

A new form of government had been set up in the city by Louis himself, consisting of a council of twenty-four, nominated by him, and a governor, William of Montfort. Galeazzo was still imprisoned at Monza, though Azzo and Giovanni had been released.

Galeazzo’s enemies seemed to have triumphed completely. Amongst them it is strange to have to reckon Can Grande of Verona, the Ghibelline ally of his father. Can Grande had his own designs on the lordship of Lombardy and stirred up the Emperor against the Visconti. One friend remained, Castruccio of Lucca. He worked hard to induce Louis to set Galeazzo free, and failing in his persuasions himself abandoned the Emperor. His departure was at once effective and Louis liberated his prisoners in August, 1328. Galeazzo set off for Lucca to thank Castruccio, but fell ill on the way and died.

The personality of this member of the dynasty is difficult to make out. His actual period of rule was short, and his whole career mixed up with that of his father and the quarrels with his brother and cousin. He is described by the chroniclers as being of a pleasing appearance. ‘‘ He was

_GALEAZZO AND AZZO 29

round-faced and pink and white. He was elegant, brave, and liberal, but careless of religion,” and indeed had been specially marked out for Papal censure. He was energetic, but his military successes achieved against the family foes were mostly due to Marco.

His disasters had not been caused by incompetence on his part. It was natural that the other members of the family, not fully conscious of the fact that a dynasty could only be secured through the united support lent to the head of the family, should resent his assumption of authority. By taking part against him they weighted the balance on behalf of his already powerful enemies. The Pope was the chief opponent, both of the House and of Galeazzo personally, who had been included in his father’s condemnation. To the Pope were to be added the della Torre and the Guelf party. The House of Anjou joined their company, for Robert already held Naples, Provence, and Piedmont, and could he but get a footing in Lombardy he might aspire to be a King of Italy. Such a combination was formidable in itself. When the discontented members of the Visconti family, and his ally the Lord of Verona added to Galeazzo’s difficulties by setting the Emperor against him, his fall was inevitable. It was fortunate for the dynasty that the loyalty of Castruccio procured his pardon in the nick of time. Though Galeazzo himself died, his son Azzo was allowed to take his place, and was made Imperial Vicar in January, 1329.

His relations now seem to have grasped the necessity of supporting the new head. The whole family assembled at Pisa and drew up a letter to the Council of Twenty-four, set up by Louis in Milan, announcing the succession of Azzo to his father’s office. The Anti-Pope, Nicholas V, gave aid by appointing Giovanni Visconti Cardinal and Legate in Lombardy, a step which induced John XXII to issue from Avignon a sentence of excommunication on Azzo and Giovanni “‘ as heretics and rebels,”

30 MILAN UNDER THE VISCONTI

Undismayed by this, however, in February, 1329, Azzo entered Milan in triumph, escorted by a troop of German cavalry. The clergy went out in procession to greet him and the Council of Twenty-four proclaimed a “‘ jubilee.” The real enthusiasm shown by the people was no doubt due to the pleasure felt at getting rid of the foreign domination, which had been extremely unpopular.

Azzo set to work to turn the Duke of Teck, one of Louis’s generals, out of Monza, which involved him in a quarrel with Louis himself, who came and besieged Milan. Azzo held out with complete success, and, remaining polite to his overlord, sent him every day choice food and wines for his private table. Eventually Louis recognized that he was wasting his time and came to terms. Azzo was confirmed as Imperial Vicar ; he was to exercise his jurisdiction in both city and country, either in person or through a podestd. He was to draw a salary of 10,000 gold florins, to undertake a yearly payment, and to maintain two hundred horse for the imperial service in Italy.

At the same time Azzo succeeded where his father and grandfather had failed. John XXII was weary of the struggle with the Visconti. He was also extremely anxious as to the amount of support likely to be given to the Anti- Pope, and was wishful to secure as many allies as he could. Negotiations began in September, 1329, and were brought to a successful close. Peace was agreed between the parties. The Pope made Giovanni, who had abandoned the Cardinalate conferred by Nicholas, Bishop of Novara and administrator of Milan, on condition that the Visconti undertook to pay a pension to the aged Archbishop Aicardo.

In the following year (March, 1330) came the final acknow- ledgment of Azzo’s position. The podestd summoned the great Council of Nine Hundred, ostensibly to confirm the statutes which had recently been drafted. In reality the meeting proceeded to recognize Azzo as ruler and confer on him fullauthority. ‘ He has power to bind the commune

GALEAZZO AND AZZO 31

and citizens of Milan both in the business of the commune and in any business whatever touching the Lord Azzo himself or any other of his name, and in private matters and in matters touching individuals to bind the commune itself and the citizens of the body corporate and university of Milan and their goods.”

Three speeches were given, all in his favour ; the proposal was voted upon and carried. He was now Dominus generalis et perpetuus. He had full jurisdiction, power to pledge the revenue, to make new statutes, to annul and amend the old, to make treaties and alliances. The sole province in which he was not given full control was finance. The com- mune was to retain the right of assenting to the imposition of new taxes or the abolition of old ones, and it kept some control over the administration and the issue of the coinage. It is noteworthy in this connexion that for the first time coins were issued bearing on them the name of the ruler of the city.

Azzo’s marriage to a Savoyard princess followed shortly after, and gave occasion for fresh festivities. The ceremony was held in San Ambrogio with great pomp, and marked the reconciliation of the Visconti with the Pope.

During the nine years that followed Milan enjoyed prosperity. Azzo himself met with less resistance to his rule than might have been expected. The new lord was popular, and he was successful in restoring the prestige of his House. The territory which had been lost in the troubles of Galeazzo’s reign was gradually won back until the Visconti’s rule once more extended from Bergamo to Cremona. He became Lord of Pavia, Bergamo, Cremona, Vercelli, Vigevano, and San Donnino within two years of his father’s death. Then came dominion over Como and Lecco, where he built the lovely bridge over the Adda. Finally, Lodi and Piacenza completed the tale of his cities, Within the family he had to repair the evils wrought by dissension, and here he was at once faced with a difficult

32 MILAN UNDER THE VISCONTI

situation. Trouble threatened him from Marco, who was unlikely to give to his nephew the submission he had denied to his elder brother. He began to get together a band of paid adherents. Then one morning the news spread through the city that Marco had been found dead in the courtyard of the Palazzo. No one knew then or afterwards what had occurred. Naturally, it was said on the one hand that he had been murdered by being thrown from the window, and the Florentine Villari spread this version. Others thought his death was due to natural causes, and others again said that he had killed himself. In any case, his death caused no trouble to Azzo, and no rising or disturbance took place.

Relations with the Papacy were not altogether comfort- able. The Pope found Azzo lukewarm in the perpetual contest with the Emperor and had occasion to reprove him solemnly. Giovanni, too, gave offence, for he refused to persecute those of the clergy who had supported the Anti-Pope Nicholas. He would not expel those who had disregarded the interdict, and he allowed the friars to continue to preach against the luxury of Avignon. Azzo showed great skill in playing off the Emperor against the Pope, and acted as a go-between in the efforts which Louis made at reconciliation. By the end of 1330 the Pope was convinced of Azzo’s good faith, and a formal peace was proclaimed between them. This was followed by a league against Robert of Naples, whose ambition threatened all Northern Italy. Savoy, Montferrat, and Milan united against him, but at this juncture an even greater danger appeared : John of Bohemia suddenly crossed the Alps at the head of a large force and proceeded to attack the northern towns. John was one of the firebrands of Europe, carrying war into all quarters. He had made an expedition against Poland in 1327 and had just concluded another against Lithuania. He had gone to Innsbruck to negotiate a marriage between his son and Margaret Maultasche,

GALEAZZO AND AZZO 33

heiress of Tirol. While there a deputation came to him from Brescia asking him to come and help that city against the attacks of Mastino della Scala. John lent a ready ear to this request and at the end of 1330 entered Brescia. He then proceeded to conquer Bergamo, Cremona, Parma, Modena, and Vercelli. Azzo, full of anxiety for his possessions, sent to ask the Pope whether this invasion had his support. Finding this was not the case, he meditated resistance, but Charles of Bohemia arriving with large reinforcements for his father, Azzo saw no alternative but to come to terms. He succeeded in making an agreement with John, who recognized Azzo as Vicar. In June, 1331, John was recalled to Bohemia and left Charles installed at Parma. The king gone, North Italy took heart, and a league of Verona, Mantua, Ferrara, and Milan was formed. The allies sent an army against Charles, but were defeated at the battle of San Felice. The Bohemians however suffered such heavy losses that their position became very unsafe, and Charles retired home and appealed to his father for help. Brescia was taken by Mastino della Scala, and Azzo Visconti captured Bergamo and Pavia. John of Bohemia arrived with reinforcements, only to be totally defeated at Ferrara in April, 1333. He and his son withdrew across the Alps, but the league continued in being and now found itself involved with the Papacy, which had secretly supported King John. Azzo Visconti seized Martinengo, a Papal fief, and supported Bologna, which burst out into revolt against the misgovernment of Bertrando, the Legate. Bertrando had acted throughout as the ally of Bohemia but the league had refused to include him in the armistice signed on John’s departure. John XXII found himself unable to act effectively. In vain he tried to stir up Azzo against the lords of Como and Vercelli and Bergamo. Azzo had no intention of turning out these lords in order that the Papacy might enter into possession. He refused to act. He knew that the towns would prefer to come under Visconti rule

3

34 MILAN UNDER THE VISCONTI

rather than share with Piacenza the misgovernment of Papal officials. Finally, in 1334 he attacked Cremona, which was still held by John of Bohemia, and succeeded in taking the city. When at the end of the year the old Pope died it was clear that the Visconti were stronger and more threaten- ing than they had ever been. They were becoming a real power in Lombardy.

While Azzo throve as regards Northern Italy there still remained the original thorn in the side of the family. Lodrisio, now an old man, was not too old for mischief, and enlisted the support of Mastino della Scala, who had quarrelled with Azzo. He planned a great attack on the person of his cousin, but he was detected in his plot and forced to fly to Verona; there he took advantage of the peace made between Verona and Venice to enlist the dis- banded mercenaries. He formed a company of Swiss and _ Germans, called them the ‘“‘ Company of St. George,” and in 1339 crossed the Adda. After a fierce fight at Parabiago his forces were overwhelmed and he himself, with his two sons, taken prisoner. They were not put to death, but merely imprisoned in one of the Visconti fortresses. With this final success Azzo’s life closed, for in August of the same year he fell ill with the gout and died, being himself only thirty-seven years old and leaving no child behind him.

He was one of the best of the Visconti, and seems to have been universally liked and well spoken of. In appearance he was of medium height, rather inclined to stoutness. Like his father he was rosy faced, with exceptionally fair hair. His manners were open and genial and his disposition cheerful. He was one of the few members of the family who was both religious and moral, his married life with Caterina of Savoy having been most happy. His justice was applauded by his subjects, who found him merciful and generous, though at the same time he knew how to keep order. He was uniformly successful in his enterprises, and won back territory without bloodshed or apparent difficulty.

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Indeed, his gifts must have been of a high order to have brought about the happy developments of his reign.

Under him great improvements were brought about in the state of the city. He cleansed the streets and made gutters, which by utilizing the rain water helped to purify the drains. He diverted also two swiftly running streams, called the Nirone and the Camtarana, to supplement the gutters, and possibly in this way assisted in the immunity which Milan was to enjoy from the plague in the next reign. He rebuilt the city walls, and over the gates placed the sign of the viper in marble. He built himself a beautiful palace with a great hall, where Giotto was employed to execute the frescoes. This hall had a roof of blue and gold, and the pictures on the walls represented rather a mixed collection of ‘‘ Heroes ’’—Hector and Attila, Charlemagne and Aineas, and mythical members of the House of Visconti itself. Other artists were employed on the palace, including Balducci the sculptor. In the courtyard was a menagerie full of animals strange to Italy, including lions and monkeys. He also had a large aviary and a fish-pond, with a fountain of lions’ heads gushing out water, and in the grounds was a beautiful model of the gate of Carthage. Indeed, he seems to have had a genuine love of beautiful things and was fortunate enough to be able to gratify his tastes. Mulan gained much from the rule of a prince who possessed so many good qualities and who did so much to make the city both prosperous and beautiful.

CHAPTER V ARCHBISHOP GIOVANNI

Joint rule with Luchino—Trouble with nephews—Luchino’s difficulties and death—Rule of Visconti made hereditary—Acquisi- tions of Giovanni—Account of Visconti territories, how gained and when—Bologna and the Visconti—Genoa acquired—Position of Venice—War with Milan—Methods and government of Visconti in their possessions—Extension of Milanese.

CURIOUS situation was ushered in by the death Ae Azzo (1339) without heirs. The Council General

elected as signori generali his two uncles, Luchino and Archbishop Giovanni, the sole remaining sons of Matteo the Great. The pacification which Azzo had effected with the Pope was renewed, both the Visconti were recognized by Benedict XII as Imperial Vicars, and the Papal sentences pronounced against them formerly were declared null and void. The old Archbishop, Aircardo, was dead, and Giovanni had been elected in his place by the Chapter, but it was not till 1342 that the Pope recognized him. He was now allowed to make formal resignation of his bishopric of Novara and to assume the full dignities of Archbishop of Milan.

Giovanni is one of the most remarkable of the Visconti. He possessed all the cleverness and subtlety which ran through the family, but he combined with them better qualities too.

Unfortunately the fame of the whole family has suffered from the ill-repute brought upon it by the later members. An impression has been created that the race was corrupt and wicked, tainted with decadence, and that its history is chiefly a record of crime. Such a view is, as might be expected, quite incorrect. It is doubtful whether any

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House could rise from small beginnings to such greatness were its members the cruel and wicked tyrants which ignorance has believed all the Visconti to have been. Cruelty amounting to madness, and perhaps actually due to insanity, was shortly to appear in the House and in the end to destroy it, but as yet there were no signs of this, and the career of Archbishop Giovanni is a pleasant chapter in the history of Milan.

During Luchino’s lifetime the two shared rule together. Luchino was not as popular as his predecessor Azzo. Before his accession to power he had been a man of bad life. He kept low company, drank, rioted all night, and slept all day. As in the case of Henry V of England, it is supposed that power worked a reformation: he became very industrious and showed marked ability in finance. He was just, but apt to give way to violence—a trait which was to show itself so fatally in the later Visconti. His career was destined to be short and troubled.

He suspected that his nephews’ ministers had enriched themselves at the expense of the State. Prominent among them was Francesco Pusterla, whose wife, Margherita, was reported to be the loveliest woman in the city. Chroniclers usually prefer picturesque motives in accounting for the actions of their rulers, and we may believe or not, as we choose, that behind Luchino’s zeal for purity in financial administration lay a love for Margherita which she indig- nantly rebuffed. Francesco certainly became one of the leading spirits in a conspiracy which was discovered, Francesco, Margherita, and their sons were all beheaded, and the whole plot so thoroughly stamped out that Azario declared the Milanese nobles would never dare to conspire again. Besides the nobles, Luchino also believed there were actually implicated his own nephews, Matteo, Bernabo, and Galeazzo, the sons of his dead brother Stefano. For long he did nothing against them, but eight years later he suddenly revived the charges and ordered them into banish-

38 MILAN UNDER THE VISCONTI

ment. Even the Archbishop could not afford them adequate protection, and whether guilty or innocent the three young princes thought it best to depart. Matteo had married one of the Gonzagas of Mantua, and went to that city ; the other two went farther afield, to France and to the Holy Land. Luchino then brought into prominence his own son, the illegitimate Buzio, who seems to have been a brilliant young man, but who achieved no great success in Milan. The time allowed him, indeed, was not long. In 1349 evil reports were brought to Luchino, then ill with the gout, as to the behaviour of his third wife, Elisabetta Fieschi, who had recently gone on a visit to Venice. She travelled with extraordinary pomp and splendour, and being young and, as rumour went, very flighty, had given occasion to much talk. The chroniclers are unanimous in their account of her voyage up the Po, accompanied by ladies-in-waiting whose behaviour was as bad as her own. Arriving in Venice for the festivities in connexion with Ascension Day, she continued to enjoy herself with freedom. The younger of Stefano’s sons, the banished Galeazzo, had been in Venice at the time and was implicated in the scandal. On her return journey to Milan “some austere matrons informed her husband of the disgraceful conduct of Elisabetta and her ladies.”” The tale was told that Elisabetta, alarmed by the reports that reached her, and hearing of the punishment that her husband was preparing for her, saved herself by poisoning him. In any case, news suddenly arrived at the Milanese camp before Genoa that Luchino was dead. Buzio, who had been ruling Lodi, was unable to maintain his position without his father’s support, and promptly made for Venice, where he lived and died in poverty. Elisabetta herself also left Milan with her son Luchino Novello and never returned. It seems to have been admitted that the boy was not Luchino’s son, but possibly the child of Galeazzo di Stefano; and though he was born in wedlock, feeling was too strong. It was considered that he ranked as of

ARCHBISHOP GIOVANNI 39

illegitimate descent and was in consequence barred from the succession. He never had any chance of successfully bringing forward his claims, though he was destined to cause trouble as an enemy of the established branch.

Luchino during his nine years of rule had extended the boundaries of the State. He had acquired Asti, Bobbio, Parma, Crema, Tortona, Novara, and Alessandria, some of which had indeed been under Matteo’s influence, but had been lost again in the disasters after his death. He had made war on the Pisans and had obtained an indemnity of 100,000 florins from them. In 1348, while the rest of Italy was devastated by the plague, Milan remained free, possibly owing to Azzo’s sanitary measures. It was under Luchino that the plebs were freed from the obligation to serve in the army, a measure which, while it enabled the population to devote itself to trade, paved the way for the use of mercenaries, who were later to be such a curse to Milan.

Archbishop Giovanni was now sole ruler, and he exercised supremacy in both the political and ecclesiastical spheres. He was universally respected and liked, and his influence obtained an important addition to the security of the dynasty. The Council in recognizing him as Dominus Generalis, for the first time declared the office hereditary. The succession was stated to lie in the legitimate male heirs of Matteo I, and these would be the three sons of Stefano— Matteo, Bernabd, and Galeazzo. ‘‘ The male descendants of Matteo I, Visconti, born in lawful wedlock, shall be in perpetuity lords of the city and diocese and jurisdiction of Milan.”’

The three young men were recalled to Milan, and their uncle granted them each a palace to live in, but allowed them no share in the administration. Apparently they were on excellent terms with Giovanni, for we hear no more of internal dissensions. Indeed, such was the peace and security now reigning that Giovanni felt himself able to release the old conspirator Lodrisio, who emerged from

40 MILAN UNDER THE VISCONTI

Monza and spent the last years of his life in freedom, but not in quietude.

Giovanni also came to terms with the various States Luchino had warred against, and concluded treaties with Savoy, Mantua, and Genoa. The peace with Savoy was sealed by the marriage of Galeazzo with Bianca, sister of -Amedeo, the ruling prince.

It is in connexion with these peace treaties that the poet Petrarch appears at the Court of the Visconti. He came to Milan in 1353, and was persuaded by Giovanni to stay and to undertake the embassy to Venice. He did so in order that ‘“‘ peace might be brought about between two great states,’’ and because of the high opinion which he entertained of the Archbishop. On his return from Venice he undertook to go to Avignon to the Pope. He writes to his friend Anguissole, podesta of Como, explaining why he has agreed to go on this even more laborious journey “‘ across the Alps, where not merely rain but a very deluge is foretold by the stars, in the midst of a bitter and intolerable winter.”’ He is going because ‘‘ the gentle requests and low-toned, soft, persuasive words of a well-known person have for me the force of a command and the power of complete authority.” The well-known person is of course Giovanni, and he goes on to explain that ‘‘I obey as one who can refuse nothing to him who rules, for indeed he does not bid me go, but begs it of me, his well-known gentleness being even greater than his authority, though that is of the highest.” Under the Visconti, indeed, Milan had found happiness : she had emerged from the misery of the faction fights, and no foreign enemies threatened her. Naturally her wealth had increased enormously. With security it was possible to start great industrial projects. The vast, fertile plain which lay for miles round was now scientifically drained. Great irrigation works were carried through and a whole network of canals developed, the city in this way being connected up with the great rivers. Many industries

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brought prosperity to the citizens. Within the walls was practised the craft of the armourers ; the raw materials for the trade were found in abundance in the neighbouring mountains, The far-famed suits of Milanese mail were now winning a European reputation; no other country had succeeded in attaining such perfection, and even the Turks and Saracens were supplied with arms made in this city. The manufacture of fine woollen cloths and of linen and silk was extremely flourishing. Luchino’s reign saw the begin- ning of the manufacture of cloth of gold and of silk, which was introduced in 1314 by refugees from Lucca, the ancient home of the silk industry.

Outside the city agriculture gave the backbone to the wealth of the community. Corn, rye, oats, barley, oil, wine all poured in from the splendidly tilled estates. The water meadows gave pasture to the breed of horses much desired as war horses by communities less happily situated than Milan itself. The inhabitants mostly used ‘“ mixed” or rye bread, but white bread was now eaten by the higher nobility, and a special bakery for white flour was set up by 1355.

Building was always a favourite fancy of the Visconti, and it has been remarked that a family which was constantly occupied in quarrels and open strife with the Papacy was also one of lavish builders of churches and other sacred buildings. Hitherto the rulers had confined themselves chiefly to secular buildings ; the great age of Giangaleazzo was yet to come. Fiamma, in the approved style of a lover of the “ good old days,” lamented the growth of luxury. It is really extraordinary to see how in every age the same jeremiads are uttered. ‘‘ Clothes now are covered with fairadornments. Many persons, both men and women, now embellish their dress with embroideries of gold, silver, or pearls. Deep borders are placed upon the garments. All food is sumptuous and the masters of the culinary art are held in high esteem.”

A2 MILAN UNDER THE VISCONTI

Under the two brothers a new institution was created. The vicario di provuistone was appointed, with the Council of Twelve to assist him. Their business was to carry on the ordinary administrative work of the city, supervising justice, and collecting the taxes. These were many and various. There was the gabelle, or tax on salt, which was a government monopoly, as was usual in European countries at that time. There was also a tax on corn and on wine. Customs duties were in 1216 estimated at one per cent on the value of the goods, but this rose to five per cent. In 1315 a tax on horses was introduced. Another important source of revenue was the fines levied on malefactors. In addition there were taxes on houses, on bakeries, on mills, on slaughter-houses, and on all legal contracts. The burden does not seem to have been heavy, for we have no complaints, and the prosperity of the city was immense. Population was increasing rapidly, trade was flourishing, and the whole standard of life rising, an unmistakable sign of well-being and good government.

Not content however with the expansion of wealth, Giovanni determined to try to extend the Milanese boundaries. Away to the south-east lay the great Papal city of Bologna, comparatively remote, as it seemed, from the Archbishop’s influence. She had recently revolted against the Legate and asserted her independence. In 1350 North Italy was astounded to hear that Giovanni had bought Bologna for the vast sum of 200,000 florins from Pepoli, the banker tyrant of the city. The Pope (Clement VI) proceeded to excommunicate Giovanni for daring to acquire a city to which he himself laid claim as a Papal fief. Giovanni refused to give way, and, apparently by further expenditure, induced the Pope to acquiesce in his new possession. History fails to confirm the story dramatically related by Corio, who tells how the Arch- bishop received the Papal envoy in the great church after Mass, “ and, raising in one hand a sword and in the other

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a cross, said, ‘ This is my spiritual weapon with which to defend my spiritualities, and this my sword signifies that it is my temporal weapon for the defence of all my temporal realm,’ and with no other reply the Legate was obliged to return to the Pope.’’ The fact remains that Giovanni obtained the city and set to work to administer it with the consent of Clement.

Next Giovanni turned his attention to the west. As a commercial city Milan badly needed a port, and close to her south-western boundary lay Genoa, the mark of her earlier attacks. The House of Naples had long coveted Genoa as a means of consolidating communications with their posses- sions in Piedmont. They had failed, but now the city was being besieged by the Aragonese fleet and provisions were running short. The Genoese appealed to Giovanni of Milan, but he refused their requests. Preferring his rule, the city then offered itself to him, and he at once sent food to provision her. Giovanni, as became a man of peace, pre- ferred purchase to force of arms, and in 1353 he succeeded here also. Genoa became for a brief period a Milanese city and the desired outlet to the sea was gained for a while.

The acquisition of Genoa was bound to lead to conflict with Venice. The natural animosity of the rival ports was constantly causing trouble. Genoa in return for her help in establishing Paleologos at Constantinople a century before had been given control of the Dardanelles. She had practical monopoly of the trade of the Black Sea, and of that which passed through Constantinople from the northern routes. Venice, on the other hand, had control of trade coming through Egypt and Asia Minor. In 1352 Venice had made an agreement with the Greek Emperor and dis- patched a fleet to attack Pera, which from the days of Michael Paleologos had been held by the Genoese. Doria was in command there and succeeded, though with very heavy loss, in beating off the Venetians. Joining with Aragon the Venetians then totally defeated the Genoese in

44 MILAN UNDER THE VISCONTI

a great battle at Logera, off the coast of Sardinia, and it was in consequence of that disaster that Genoa ceded herself to the Visconti.

Milan now entered into the rivalry with Venice. Under Giovanni’s directions a new fleet was built, consisting of twenty ships built by Genoa and commanded by Doria, with a supplementary contingent of ten ships built and provided by the Visconti. This fleet was dispatched against Venice. The Venetian admiral, Pisani, had taken his ships to winter quarters at Portolungo, near the island of Sapienza, on the coast of the Morea. There Doria found them, and after a fierce engagement he succeeded in completely destroying the Venetians, whose whole fleet was wiped out. This sea-fight was one of the decisive battles of the age, and is known to the Milanese chroniclers as the victory of Modon, though modern historians call it the battle of Sapienza. Venice was very hard hit by this disaster, and close upon it came the famous conspiracy of Marino Falier, which shook the whole structure of her power. Anxious to have her hands free to deal with treason at home, Venice abandoned the war with Milan and Genoa. In 1355 peace was made, though Venice still remained the ally of Verona, Padua, Ferrara, and Mantua, who had formed a league directed against Milan. The league however was quite ineffective and Giovanni was left in possession of his new territory.

Not content even with this, the Archbishop had designs on Pisa, but here he met with the powerful and determined opposition of Florence, who would not tolerate any acqui- sition of that city by another State than herself. He had to content himself with encouraging the bad blood existing between the republic and Pisa and the neighbouring city of Lucca, It was left for a later Visconti to realize this particular dream of the farseeing Archbishop.

Giovanni’s course was in fact run. He, like his predeces- sors, came suddenly to his death, though without any

ARCHBISHOP GIOVANNI 45

suspicion of violence. Indeed, he had nothing so romantic as Luchino’s supposed poisoning to close his story. He died.in October; 1354, after an operation, performed with the unpleasing, though presumably necessary, object of removing a boil from his eyebrow. He was buried with great pomp and his body was later transferred to the great Duomo built by Giangaleazzo. His tomb is one of the very few left in that building, and consists of a sarcophagus of red stone mounted on very high pillars, so that the long inscription commemorating his many virtues and great achievements can scarcely be made out. The death of the Archbishop was speedily followed by that of Matteo, his nephew, but not before that individual had shown himself to be bad and incompetent. He was quite unable to cope with the usurpation of Giovanni da Oleggio at Bologna, and his brothers found him impossible to deal with. They did not have to bear with him long, however, for within the year he died. The cause of his death is not known ; popular rumour declared that his brothers had poisoned him, the medium being a leg of pork, of which he was inordinately fond. Perhaps an excessive diet of that article of food, especially in the Italy of that day, would be sufficiently fatal in itself to account for his death. Bernabod and Galeazzo were left as joint heirs to his possessions, and again Milan witnessed the rule of a pair of Visconti brothers.

It is convenient at this point to look at the territory which the Visconti had acquired while it yet remains as one whole. The boundaries of their State were constantly shifting, and the methods which they adopted to add to it still further complicated matters. Frequently a younger member of the family would be given a city to rule over, or they might be called in to act as protectors, as in the case of Como. Sometimes a smaller town, suffering from faction, would fall to them through one of the factions enlisting the Visconti against their rivals and then being obliged to depend on the intervener to maintain their position. In

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these cases it was only gradually that the foothold gained led on to complete possession. But it is possible to dis- tinguish from the beginning an inner ring of cities for which the Visconti always strove—Lodi, Bergamo, Como, Vercelli, Novara, Tortona, Pavia, Piacenza. Beyond these lay others more difficult of attainment—Crema, Cremona, Brescia, Alessandria, Asti. Further still were Parma, Genoa, and Bologna. These seemed the utmost limits possible for the earlier rulers, and it was only the genius of Giangaleazzo which opened a still more splendid prospect.

As a rule the Visconti expanded their dominion by voluntary cession or purchase. When they had acquired a hold over a city some member of the family was sent to rule. This combined the advantages of local government while setting up a close personal connexion with the capital. It also trained the younger members of the family in administrative work and gave them an invaluable insight into the task of ruling the larger State itself. The method worked well: the subject cities did not feel themselves subdued to Milan: they were bound by the personal tie of the lordship of the Visconti. They frequently enjoyed the advantages which came from having a little Court set up in their midst ; this kept up their sense of dignity, and prevented them from feeling that they were being brought down to the level of the still smaller States. Their laws were not suppressed in favour of the Milanese model, but in general the ruling prince of Milan would issue edicts which applied to all the cities. Thus Luchino addressed an edict to Piacenza which was read also in Brescia, Bergamo, Cremona, Crema, Lodi, Como, Asti, Vercelli, Bobbio, Borgo, Vigevano, Pontescuro, Locarno, and Sonnino. That the rule thus set up was popular is proved by the preference shown for coming under Visconti rule rather than that of the other great powers, for independence was really impossible in the conflict caused by the greater States.

ARCHBISHOP GIOVANNI 4

The changes in the Viscontian territory are too frequent to be traced minutely, but if they are in chronological sequence progress is seen to be steady and in well-defined directions. Matteo, the founder, began by gaining Pavia. _ He was helped by the fact that the people were Ghibelline, and as such in sympathy with his own party in Milan. He drove out from Pavia the local nobles, who were Guelfs and supporters of the della Torre. He restored Ghibelline influence under the family of the Beccaria, who paid him tribute, acknowledged him as lord, and allowed him to build _ a great fortress. Luchino at first lived at Pavia, in close association with the Beccaria, until needed elsewhere. Marco ruled at Alessandria and Tortona, Galeazzo was lord of Piacenza, Stefano of Vercelli and Novara. Matteo also set up a kind of protectorate over Como and Crema. Genoa he greatly desired to add to the list, and Marco was employed in attacking the city, while Robert of Naples made vain efforts to drive him off. Unable to force Marco to raise the siege, Robert had recourse to the Pope, and the quarrel of Matteo and the Papacy led eventually to Matteo’s resigna- tion of rule.

Galeazzo’s death in 1329 saw a crumbling away of the Visconti territory. Many of the cities now passed under the tyranny of their local families, including Novara, Vercelli, Lodi, and Crema, where the local lords were recognized by the Emperor Louis. Azzo however set to work to restore the position. He recovered nearly all Matteo’s and Galeazzo’s possessions. Vercelli voluntarily offered him the lordship, though she was sufficiently distant to have been able to resist pressure from him had she wished. In addition, Azzo saw that he had a chance of further expansion to the south-east. He secured Bergamo in 1322, Brescia 1337, Piacenza 1336, Cremona 1334, Lodi 1335, Crema, Como, and Caravaggio. Even Parma seemed obtainable, for the Roni negotiated with him for its sale, but he did not wish to quarrel with the Scalas, who would

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have resented its acquisition, so withdrew, buying only Borgo San Domenico.

Luchino was the next to add to the domains. He won Bellinzona from the family of the Busconi, and thus obtained the key to the Val Levantina. Locarna came next, and then Asti, which chose first him and then Giovanni as lords. In 1347 Alessandria and Tortona were restored to the Visconti. These acquisitions were possible owing to the disappearance of the Neapolitan power in the north, for Robert of Anjou had been replaced by his daughter Joanna, who was far too closely beset by her own difficulties to try to thwart the distant Visconti. As the crown of Luchino’s work Parma was eventually bought from Albizzo d’Este, who had purchased the city, but could not hold it, and was induced to pass it on to Luchino for what he gave for it.

Archbishop Giovanni brought as his first acquisition Novara, of which he had been bishop. On being promoted to Milan he had resigned the See, but he kept his hold on the ‘‘ temporalities,’’ and the city returned to Milanese allegiance. He also, as we have seen, secured Genoa by voluntary cession in 1353. Shortly before that date (in 1350) he had acquired Bologna by purchase from the Pepoli, and subsequently secured Papal consent by a heavy payment to Clement VI. Giovanni was recognized as Papal Vicar, and the administration of the city passed from the Papal officials into his hands. He had to pay no less than 100,000 florins down for this concession, together with an annual sum of 12,000, but part of this was covered by the taxation of Bologna itself. This great city gave the Visconti the gate into Tuscany ; it lay at the meeting place of Romagna, Tuscany, and Lombardy, and Giovanni meant it to be a base against Florence and the Papal States. He traced out the path Giangaleazzo and Filippo Maria were to follow, for he won over the Ghibelline lords to the north- east and south of Florence, right round the Casentino to Orvieto.

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Bologna was destined to cause much trouble, though Giovanni took every precaution. He had bought the city, but he called together the Council and put his rule to the arbitrament of election. While some of the members rose and objected to the sale, the majority elected Giovanni as lord, the numbers being 526 for the Archbishop, and 324 against—figures which show that the election had some reality.

The city was allowed to keep its constitution, the Great Council of Four Thousand, the Senate of Four Hundred. and the Council of Anziani and Sapientes, though the Four Thousand lost the right of electing any of the magistrates, Even the Parlamento was retained, though it was only summoned when the succession needed ratification. The administration was kept in the hands of the Four Hundred, nominated by him; legislation remained with the city, subject to the acceptance of his edicts. The capitano was nominated by him, and also the vicar, who presided over the Councils and the fodestd, who was the head of the judiciary. The Archbishop gave directions for the appoint- ment of a curator and officials of the mint and for the issue of a new coinage, of which Bologna was in great need. The new issue bore the Archbishop’s name and crest. He him- self visited the city in 1353. He reformed abuses and set things in order, and ‘showed himself so affable and courteous that he made himself beloved by the whole city.”

As Bologna was of such importance, Giovanni sent in I351, as his governor, one of the most brilliant of the family, Giovanni da Oleggio, who was undoubtedly a Visconti, but whose exact parentage is unknown. It used to be thought that he was actually the son of the Arch- bishop, but recent research has decided against this. A branch of the Visconti had been settled at Oleggio for generations. This Giovanni was first brought forward by Luchino, who sent him to lead a troop against Florence in the war in support of Lucca. Giovanni was taken prisoner

4

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by the Florentines, who, filled with hatred of the Visconti, and specially opposed to the Archbishop in view of his successes, invented and spread abroad the story that Giovanni da Oleggio was his son.

Giovanni da Oleggio found himself ruler of a city which was far removed from Milan itself. The isolation and importance of the place were too great a temptation. He seized his chance when it came and made himself an independent tyrant, with his head-quarters in the great castle which the Archbishop had built. In his attempt to obtain the city the Archbishop had perhaps gone too far. The Pope and Florence could not acquiesce in this setting up of an outpost over against them. They became more hostile than before, and at the time when the dynasty was entering upon a difficult phase, Giovanni da Oleggio realized the position, and on the death of the Archbishop he defied Matteo Visconti, to whom the city had been allotted under his uncle’s will. Within a few months Matteo too had died. Bernabo then inherited Bologna, and at first he accepted an offer by Giovanni to pay a yearly tribute of 16,000 gold florins if he continued as governor. He soon repented of this, but found it impossible to get rid of his inconvenient relative. The people of Bologna hated Giovanni; many had left rather than live under his rule. Bernabé accord- ingly decided to enlist the help of the discontented citizens, Together with his brother Galeazzo he entered into a plot. They sent for one Ugolino di Maghinardo from Bologna, and told him, “‘ You know how we are treated by this Giovanni ; we can get nothing out of him, and he does all he can against us and hates us. . . . We will take the city from him and it shall be Bernabo’s. . . . Bernabd, being a most generous man, will reward you and all who help in this enterprise.’’ Ugolino agreed heartily, and it was arranged that Bernaboé should approach Bologna under a pretext of an impending attack on Ferrara. He was to be admitted to the city by the conspirators and the rest would be easy.

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Unfortunately, one of the plotters, Fregoso Alessandrino, was too zealous. He attempted to get rid of Giovanni on his own account, and, lying in wait for him as he rode through the city, shot at him with a poisoned arrow. He failed to hit Giovanni’and was taken and put to torture, under which he confessed the whole plot. All the con- spirators were seized and _ beheaded. Fregoso himself met a more horrible fate: he was dragged at a horse’s tail through the city, then buried alive, and afterwards his body quartered and thrown to the dogs.

In 1356 another plot was arranged, this time the initiative coming from one Spinolese, who was podesta of San Giovanni in Persicale, and who was weary of remaining in so dangerous a place, far from his wife and children. He sent secret messengers to Bernabé and even to that ruler’s wife Regina, with a present of an amber rosary and a piece of embroidered silk. Once more Bernabé was to be admitted to the city by treachery. This time Bernabé’s messenger, sent to find Spinolese at San Giovanni, found him absent and went on to Bologna to seek him there. He was discovered by Giovanni da Oleggio’s people, taken and tortured, and confessed. Spinolese and his friends were seized, dragged at horses’ tails to the “ Place of Justice ’’ and then hanged. But by this time Giovanni was tired of the struggle to maintain himself. He was not likely to fall in with the wishes of his inverate enemy Bernabé, and took the course most disadvantageous to the Visconti. He sold the city to the Pope, receiving in return the city of Forma, and being made Marchese of the March of Ancona. The Pope’s army entered the city in 1360, Giovanni himself leaving it secretly so as to avoid the insults of the people.

Giovanni’s great acquisition was once more lost.

CHAPTER VI GALEAZZO AND BERNABO

Great increase in Visconti power—Relations of the two brothers— Division of the territory—Arrival of Emperor Charles—Galeazzo’s home policy—Pavia and Montferrat—Career of the Monk Bussolari, an early Savonarola—Siege of Pavia—Fall of Bussolari—Galeazzo goes to Pavia—Founding of the university—Montferrat introduces free companies—Galeazzo bribes the English—His successes against Montferrat—Savoy intervenes—Peace concluded—Giangaleazzo made of age—Murder of Montferrat—Foreign policy of Galeazzo— His great marriage alliances—Valentina’s birth and christening— Marriage of Violante and Lionel of Clarence—The wedding feast.

HE death of Marco in 1354 had left the now great

State of Milan to be divided between his brothers

Galeazzo and Bernabd. With them the great period of the Visconti begins. Under them the House rose to the level of royalty, contracting marriages with the great Kings of France and England, and their power and magnifi- cence made them the talk of Europe. Milan was to be renowned for her wealth and prosperity. At the same time an extraordinary quality began to manifest itself in the dynasty. Bernabd was one of the strangest characters imaginable, and at so great a distance of time it is almost impossible to discover what kind of man he really was. His wild, fierce moods and terrible anger led him to commit deeds which to us are horrible, and the atrocities of his game laws have been allowed to give a sinister tinge to his whole story. Yet, at the same time, he is the man about whom the peasantry in their tales, and the chroniclers in their histories, alike tell, praising his justice and uprightness. The extraordinary story of his end is one of the most dramatic tales in history, and it is all the more astounding that it should be so little known, Even the fact that it

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was embodied in the famous ‘‘ Lament of Bernabd”’ has not sufficed to give the story half the prominence of other episodes, and yet his fall and the rise to supreme power of Giangaleazzo are of great importance in Italian history. These events were, however, far off as yet, and before the brothers stretched many years of prosperity and of life full of incident and triumph, lived in the early days of Italy’s great age.

The two brothers, though they got on badly together, never allowed their personal differences to affect their policy. All their lives they worked together in consoli- dating the Visconti power and defending it against its foes. They even managed with great skill to utilize the fact that two Visconti, and not one, reigned over Milan, in order to further their own ends, as, for example, when Galeazzo maintained a distinct policy towards the Papacy, Bernabé’s inveterate enemy. No jealousy seems to have arisen between them—the misfortune of one would call forth help from the other ; and even the marriage alliances of Galeazzo do not seem in the least to have disturbed the violent and ambitious Bernabé. How they managed thus to work together, though the chroniclers tell us of the antagonism each felt for the other, is difficult to conceive, and yet the fact remains that they did so.

Even before the death of Marco this unity of purpose and capacity for sinking private feelings in the effort for the common good was clearly shown. Charles of Luxemburg, in 1354, entered Italy to be crowned Emperor. His coming was a danger to the Visconti brothers, for all their enemies seized the opportunity to intrigue against them, and to try to deprive them of the support which the early connexion with the Empire had given their House. One of the most violent of their opponents was the Marquis of Montferrat, who had been embittered by the acquisition, made by Luchino in 1345, of Asti and Cherasco, which were then gained from Anjou. Archbishop Giovanni’s success in

54 MILAN UNDER THE VISCONTI

obtaining Genoa had still more enraged Montferrat, and the marquis, seeing himself threatened by this great rising power, set himself to try and stop further progress at all costs. His emissaries at the Court of the Emperor Charles worked with those sent by the Beccaria of Pavia, who also knew themselves threatened by the Visconti, Galeazzo being known to aim at gaining the city. There were, however, wheels within wheels. Charles was set on his coronation, and he realized distinctly that if he were to be crowned with the iron crown at Milan he could only do so in safety if the lords of the city were on his side. He dared not therefore break with the Visconti, or, if he had ever contemplated such a thing, two arguments soon convinced him to the contrary. He was at Mantua on December 31, 1354, and there he was met by the Visconti themselves, who came with a large force and also with large sums of money. Steel and gold in combination were too much for Charles. He decided to remain on good terms with the brothers. Their enemies had gone so far as to get a Papal Bull allowing the coronation to take place elsewhere than at Monza, where the famous crown and treasure were kept. They had intended by this to allow of the ceremony taking place at Pavia, under the auspices of Montferrat and Beccaria. Instead, the Visconti utilized the proviso to have it held in their own city. At Mantua Charles made an agreement whereby the three Visconti were made Imperial Vicars of Lombardy. Charles received an enormous subsidy from them, and it was decided that the coronation should take place immediately in Milan. There Charles came on January 4, 1355, to find the city crammed full of the splendidly armed and equipped retainers of his hosts, The ceremony took place on the 6th in San Ambrogio, and the Emperor left six days later for Piacenza.

This danger thus triumphantly averted, the next event of importance was the death of Marco, leaving only two daughters, and the division of the State between the

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survivors. Galeazzo, though the elder, had no special privileges. His share was the western portion, which included Como, Asti, Vercelli, Novara, Alessandria, Tortona, Alba, Cuneo, Monte Vico, a slice of Piedmont, running from Vigevano to the Ticino, Biandrate, Nova, etc. The city of Milan was divided between them, Galeazzo having the gates called Comasino, Vercellina, Giovia, and Ticinese. Bernabo had the eastern part of the State and the eastern part of the city, his gates being called Romana, Tosa, Nuova, and Orientale. His territory included Parma, Lodi, | Piacenza, Bobbio, and Bologna. Each thereby entered upon special difficulties. Galeazzo immediately became the object of Montferrat’s hatred, and the struggle began which really occupied the whole of his life. Bernabé, in turn, being heir to Bologna, inherited the family feud with the Church, and his stormy career, with the usual Visconti episode of excommunication, develops along these lines, As however the careers of each are distinct, it is best to take each one separately, and Galeazzo’s, as being both the simplest and the shortest, may be first considered.

GALEAZzo II

Galeazzo may be said to have had on the whole a success- ful career. He was talented in the way of his family, showing diplomatic ability. He was not himself a soldier, and his campaigns were not specially victorious; but he attained the objects of his ambition, and his life was full of colour, His connexion with Pavia brings us into touch with the monk Bussolari, a forerunner of Savonarola. It is to him that we owe the wonderful wedding of Violante, and the man who had married his two children into the great royal families of France and England must have looked back on his achievements with satisfaction. He was in his way as spectacular as Bernabo, and the fact that we know

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less of his personality probably in this case means that it was a more satisfactory one than his brother’s.

Galeazzo’s home policy was simple in its aim. He wished to acquire Pavia and to beat off the attacks of Montferrat, who was equally determined to prevent any acquisition of so great a town. Pavia itself had, under Matteo the Great and Galeazzo I, been the ally of Milan, and was still nominally under the rule of the Beccaria, the Marquis of Montferrat having been made Imperial Vicar by Charles IV. In 1356 Galeazzo laid siege to the place, attacking it both by land and water, for he assembled a great fleet of boats on the Po, making Piacenza his base. This fleet soon cut Pavia off from the Ticino. At Gravellone a bridge and a fort were built by Galeazzo, and here an important engagement took place. Galeazzo’s cavalry drove back the Pavians and met with great success, but they ended by going too far in pursuit and were defeated. This, however, did not prevent the city from being sur- rounded, and matters were looking grave for the defenders. Now came a diversion. Montferrat attacked Galeazzo from Piedmont, while at the same time Reggio was attacked by the Estes, and the troops which Bernabo had sent to his brother’s help had to be withdrawn. Genoa revolted and threw off the Visconti yoke, and war also broke out with the Gonzagas. Galeazzo had no option but to retire from before Pavia. Montferrat instantly threw in reinforce- ments, and at the same time the city itself, in May, 1356, fell under the influence of the Augustinian monk, Jacopo Bussolari. This man is an earlier example of the type made so famous by Savonarola, but he seems to have been less of a mystic and more of a practical turn. His career, in consequence, shows him as a more moderate man, though perhaps he was helped by the circumstance that the crisis in Pavia pointed to a direct course of action. The city was attacked by Milan, and the first necessity was to try to save her from the enemy. He reorganized the troops and

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arranged a great attack on the besiegers, which proved completely successful. Not only were Galeazzo’s forts round the city all taken—his fleet in the Ticino was also destroyed in its entirety. Pavia, for the time, was freed from danger from without. Next came the task of improv- ing the state of affairs within the walls. Besides being a patriot Bussolari was a reformer, and both material and moral conditions required attention.

The monk believed the Beccaria to be worthless oppres- sors, and attributed the dearness of bread to their monopolist policy. He preached a great sermon against them, which began, ““Oh! monopolists of corn. Oh! men stained with the blood of the people, when will the day of judgment come ?”’ and the people, inflamed by his eloquence, rushed out, sacked the Beccaria palaces and drove the family outside the walls. ‘“‘ Many,” says Corio, “‘ were executed and many made prisoner.’”’ Those who escaped fled to Milan and begged help from Galeazzo, formerly their enemy, but now, they hoped, their friend; and indeed Galeazzo seized the opportunity and made their exile a pretext for further attacks on the city.

There followed a great “‘ cleansing” of the place. The people were bidden to give up their sumptuous clothes and their silver plate and their jewels. Officials went round taking off lace ruffles and fringes of gold and silver, and girdles enriched with jewels. The women of course were specially singled out. But the objects thus willingly yielded were not apparently destroyed, for Corio says, ‘“‘ He bade the women give up their rich adornments and with the money received he paid soldiers to fight for their country.” So great was the veneration felt for the preacher that Azario says, “‘ Blessed was he held who touched the car in which he was wont to be taken about and from which he preached.”

Petrarch was a friend of Bussolari, and also of the Visconti, and he wrote to the monk strongly urging him to preach

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peace and moderation, for most contemporary writers agree that Bussolari should have stuck to religion and left politics alone. This he would not do, for he looked on Galeazzo as one seeking to enslave the city unlawfully. Accordingly, he became a supporter of Montferrat.

Now came an interlude. Bernabo in his part of the world had done well against the Mantuan League, which consisted of Mantua, Verona, Ferrara, and Montferrat, and forced them to come to terms. He was assisted by the assassina- tion of Can Grande of Verona, in earlier days the ally of the Visconti against the Pope, but for long their jealous enemy. Can Grande was killed by his younger brother, Cansignore, who imprisoned the remaining brother, Paolo, and made himself Lord of Verona. In the negotiations a peace between Galeazzo and Montferrat was included. Novara and Alba were restored to Galeazzo, and his little daughter, Maria, was betrothed to Montferrat’s son, ‘‘ she being four years old and he not any older.” Asti was to be Maria’s dowry, “ but shortly after this she passed to the other world,” and the breach in consequence was not healed.

Set free, however, from the marquis, Galeazzo, helped by Bernabé, began a grand attack upon Pavia, who could look for no further help from Montferrat in her struggle against Milanese supremacy. The two brothers went themselves to conduct operations, and the city was invested on two sides. A sortie was made under the direction of Bussolari, but was defeated by Galeazzo. In despair the city offered itself to Bernabd, who refused to accept it, but offered to act as mediator for his brother. Galeazzo promised to treat the city well, and, relying on his word, Pavia at length surrendered, on November 13, 1359, the triumphal entry of the Visconti taking place four days later. Galeazzo more than fulfilled his promise, as his subsequent history showed, Bussolari, who had conducted the negotiations and whose surrender was included in that of the city, met with no vengeance from the Visconti. He was handed over to his

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own ecclesiastical superiors, who sent him to pass the rest of his life in the monastery of Vercelli. More happy than Savonarola, he simply passed into obscurity. He had failed to keep the Visconti out of Pavia, but his failure, as it proved, was to the benefit of the city. For Galeazzo dis- liked life in Milan at close quarters with Bernabd and adopted Pavia as his own place of abode. He built himself a beautiful palace, the great castle which still remains. He bridged the Ticino and he cleared out the canal ; finally, in 1361, he founded the famous university, which became for Western Italy what Padua was to the Eastern and Bologna to the Central States. Not content with founding chairs and bringing in famous professors, “summoning men learned in the law and the sciences and giving them honour- able emoluments,’’ Galeazzo in his zeal supplied students, by the expedient of ordering his subjects to send their scholarly sons to Pavia, forbidding them to attend any other university. His ardour and his generosity were successful, and Pavia in her university has one of the best memorials of the Visconti.

The peace with Montferrat had not been a permanent settlement, and the early death of Maria still further upset the position. In 1362 war once more broke out. The Marquis of Montferrat now enlisted the help of a great * free company ” of English, set free at this juncture by the peace of Bretigny between France and England. These troops consisted of the famous “‘ White Company,” led by Sir John Hawkwood, and taking its name from the white vests the men wore and the white banner they carried. It was composed of 3,500 horse and 2,000 foot. They duly arrived, and entering Italy laid waste Galeazzo’s territory round Alessandria. ‘‘ Never were seen in Lombardy men who behaved with such fury and licence, giving quarter to neither man nor beast.’ They burnt and sacked all the territory up to the Ticino, and went on to Pavia, which they threatened. Ina skirmish they defeated Galeazzo’s troops,

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and his commander, Lando, was killed. Many places in deadly fear at the new army gave themselves over to Mont- ferrat at once. Galeazzo was obliged to give ground, for even the towns he still held could not be relied on to make any effective resistance to the savage new-comers. The poor Italians, indeed, had not passed beyond the earlier stage of more chivalrous warfare, when battles were fought according to rule, quarter and ransom were taken for granted, and loss of life was accordingly extremely small. The English mercenaries came from the more savage fields of the Hundred Years’ War, and a quarter of a century of ravaging French soil had made their habits formidable in the extreme. Fortunately for himself, Galeazzo not only grasped the fact that these new troops were, after all, what the name implies, ‘‘ mercenaries” of the usual type—he also had the means of dealing with them. The Visconti wealth enabled him to bribe the English leaders, and the whole band, deserting Montferrat’s service, went off to enter into the war now raging between Florence and Pisa. Not only so, but they were induced to hand back to Galeazzo all the castles which had fallen into their hands. To supple- ment this success, Genoa now agreed to come to terms, and, though remaining independent as far as her government was concerned, she undertook to pay a yearly tribute to Galeazzo. Emboldened by this he took the offensive and marching into Montferrat took Valenza and attacked the chief town, Casal San Evasio. Como and the Valtellina were also recaptured. Montferrat in alarm sent for one of the two best mercenary captains of the day, Count Lando, who at once attacked Galeazzo, drove him back and took Asti. Savoy joined Montferrat, and Galeazzo was hard pressed. The year 1373 opened very badly for Galeazzo ; the Savoyards reached Vimercate and entered the Berga- masco, which rose against the Visconti. Galeazzo, knowing that his brother was in even greater danger than himself, sent off such troops as he could spare under the command

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of his only son, Giangaleazzo, but Acuto was more than a match for the young man and defeat followed. Vencelli was sacked by the mercenaries and Piacentino rebelled. A terrible outbreak of the plague put a check to hostilities, and in 1375 peace was made between the Visconti on one side and Montferrat, Savoy, and Ferrara on the other. ;

Galeazzo had for some time suffered terribly from gout ; he was now saddened by the death of his little grandson, Azzone, the child of Giangaleazzo and Isabella of Valois, and he now declared Giangaleazzo of age and ‘“‘ emanci- pated ” him, giving him Novara, Vercelli, and Alessandria, all of which he had to win back for himself. This he succeeded in doing, Vercelli in 1377 returning of her own accord to the Visconti rule, and Alessandria and Asti being recovered in the same year. Suddenly Galeazzo found himself delivered from his enemy. The Marquis of Mont- ferrat had paid a visit to Pavia with the object of regaining Asti by negotiation. Failing in this, ‘‘ he departed in a rage, and, not wishing to traverse the lands of the Lord Galeazzo, he rode towards Cremona and thence to Parmi- giano, in order thence to enter Montferrat, and arriving at a place called Mataletto he was there shamefully killed in a stable by one of his household, and his body carried to Parma and there buried in the great church of that city, before the high altar.”

With such dramatic suddenness did the struggle end, and, though Galeazzo himself was not long to survive his old enemy, the danger from Montferrat was over. When next the two States clashed it was in very different circum- stances, for, in the wars between Filippo Maria and Savoy, Montferrat was only the small buffer State, and was made the victim of two great powers.

While Galeazzo had thus spent his life in acquiring Pavia and keeping his possessions against the intrigues of Montferrat he had, at the same time, pursued a policy of matrimonial alliances, which was as remarkable as it was

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successful. Galeazzo had himself, during his uncle’s lifetime, married a princess of the House of Savoy—Bianca—the wedding taking place in September, 1350. Their eldest child was Giangaleazzo, born at the end of the year 1351, at Milan, where Galeazzo had a palace near the eastern gate. A daughter, Maria, died in childhood ; another, Violante, survived ; and a baby of whom nothing is known was born and died at Pavia. The two children Giangaleazzo and Violante were destined to make two of the most talked-of marriages of the age. In 1360 Giangaleazzo being, as his funeral oration afterwards tells us, only nine years of age, Galeazzo concluded an alliance with the French. John II was an impecunious king, much weakened by the disastrous war with England, and in much need of money to pay his ransom. Galeazzo was extremely wealthy, and a treaty was concluded whereby Isabella of Valois, the daughter of King John, was to marry Giangaleazzo. The French gave as dowry the county of Virtt, whereby Giangaleazzo gained the title by which he was best known to his contemporaries, that of Count of Virti. On the other hand, Galeazzo paid over no less a sum than 100,000 florins, the money being raised by taxes on the Milanese. The little princess was sent from France, and in 1364 we are told that she and Giangaleazzo had a house together, the boy being twelve and ahalf years old. Two years later Giangaleazzo became a father, his wife giving birth to her first child, Valentina, and later, in 1368, came a son, Giangaleazzo, who died almost immediately, and another son, Azzone, born in 1370. These children became, in their turn, important persons in the matrimonial policy of the Visconti, Azzone being spoken of in the subsequent Sicilian proposals, while Valentina was destined to make the most fatally important marriage of the House. These events, however, in 1366, lay in the far future. At Milan great festivities took place at Valentina’s birth ; Bernabé came to the christening feast and the two godparents were the Lords of Ferrara and

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Rimini, who left Milan for Avignon, where they at once engaged in plots against their recent hosts. The Pope (Urban V) at this moment was forming a great league against Bernabé, and had concluded a treaty with the Emperor Charles, with Ferrara, Rimini, and Padua. Galeazzo had never been involved in the quarrel of his brother with the Church, and pursued a completely independent policy. He sought his allies outside Italy, and, having contracted the earlier alliance with France, he now, in 1367, went on to form one with England. Here again the alliance was purely matrimonial, his daughter Violante, or Yolande, as she appears in English, marrying Lionel Duke of Clarence, second son of Edward III. Lionel was already a widower, with a little daughter, Anne, through whom the Yorkists were later to trace their claim to the English throne. We know nothing of the negotiations which preceded the match, save that Violante’s dowry was settled at 200,000 gold florins, together with the city of Alba and various castles in Piedmont. The wedding took place at Milan in 1368, Lionel arriving there with his train, including the ‘ Sire della Dispensa’”’ and 2,000 English, all with bows and shields. He was met at the Porta Ticinese by Galeazzo and his wife Bianca, accompanied by Giangaleazzo and his wife Isabella. Eighty damsels attended the Visconti ladies, all dressed alike in bodices of scarlet, with white cloth sleeves embroidered with trefoils and girt at the hips by girdles costing eighty florins apiece. Giangaleazzo had in his retinue thirty knights and thirty grooms, and the chief notables of Milan followed in the train. The marriage was celebrated ‘‘ at the porch of the church of St. Maria Maggiore, in the presence of the nobles and other great persons.” Bernabd gave the bride away, and Mass was celebrated afterwards with great pomp.

There followed, on June 15th, the famous banquet, which in its details of the presents that accompanied each course, and the dishes which composed it, reads like the glories of

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the old-fashioned fairy tales. The guests were seated at two tables, the men at one and the ladies, of whom there were fifty, being presided over by Bernabo’s wife Regina, at another. The banquet was held in the court of Galeazzo’s palace, with presumably an open space in the middle, where we may imagine the marvellous gifts were brought. Petrarch was one of the guests of honour, and is specially mentioned as having his seat at the high table with the princes. There were eighteen courses in all, sixteen being of meat and fish, followed by one of cheese and one of fruit. Each course had fifty dishes, half of meat and half of fish, and with every one different gifts were brought from Galeazzo to his new son-in-law. It is impossible to give a full description, as found in Corio, though it is hard to decide which are the most fascinating items. The feast began with a course which included two roast sucking pigs sending fire from their mouths, these being to this day specialities in Milan at Whitsuntide, though now without the ingenious fire of the fourteenth century, followed by grilled fish. With them were presented two greyhounds with collars of velvet and silken leashes, and twelve couple of bloodhounds with gilded chains. Later came roast calf, trout, quail and partridges, ducks and heron, beef, fat capons with garlic sauce, sturgeon, chicken with lemon sauce, beef and eel pasties, lampreys, roast kid, leverets and fawns, venison and beef galantine, pullets with red and green sauces, salted tongues, rabbits, and the sole entry of vege- tables appears in course fifteen, which consisted of “ pea- cocks with green vegetables and beans.” The cheese course also comprised ‘‘ junkets,” followed by fruit and cherries ; but there is no mention of sweets or sweetmeats. The gifts are a witness of the wealth of the Visconti and a curious commentary on the life of the times. Greyhounds and bloodhounds, for which Milan was famous, come first in their dozens, all with beautiful collars and leashes of velvet and silk with chased buckles. Goshawks and sparrow-

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hawks, ‘“‘ with bells of silver-gilt and buttons enamelled with the Visconti device’; falcons with “ hoods of velvet and buttons and fastenings of enamelled devices’ come next. Then another of the city’s famous products, suits of armour, for jousts and for battle, each set of a dozen suits containing two specially worked for Lionel himself, and all with the crest of Visconti and Clarence. At the ninth course the gift consisted of twelve great rolls of gold brocade and twelve of silk, coming from the wonderful looms of Milan. At the tenth there were presented ‘“ two flasks of enamelled silver, one filled with Malvoisie and the other with Vernaccia (white wine), and twelve basins of silver-gilt, chased and enamelled.” Next came a variety of horses, led in, a dozen at a time, bred in the pastures beyond, with saddles of leather, gilded, with lances and shields and six steel helmets, “two being done over with silver-gilt, for Lionel, and one with pure gold.’ Six destriers (chargers) came with gilt bridles, green velvet reins, trappings of green velvet with silk tassels and knots and fringes of tawny red. Then six horses for tourneys, this time with red trappings and tawny halters, There followed a coat covered with pearls and a hood having a great flower on it composed of pearls and a mantle, covered with pearls and lined with ermine. These were followed by a clasp, with a ruby, a diamond, and a pearl, and four beautiful, enamelled girdles; and then incongruously came ‘‘ twelve fat oxen,’’ and the last present of all consisted of what were evidently two very special horses, for we are told one was called ‘‘ Lion” and the other “‘ Abbot,” with seventy-six horses for the English barons and gentlemen.

Such a scene would no doubt have horrified Bussolari as much as it pleases us. Lionel probably parted from his father-in-law with regret, but indeed those who had sat at this feast, which was talked of at all the European Courts, had to take up a strenuous life straight away. Bernabo left immediately after to superintend the war against

5

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Ferrara, and to prepare to meet the now hostile Emperor Charles. Lionel went to Alba, one of the dowry towns of Violante, and within a few weeks died there of fever. His men then went over to Montferrat and turned their arms against Galeazzo, who had so recently entertained them. Galeazzo was once more plunged into war.

Forr years later,in 1372, the glory of Galeazzo’s life seemed completely overshadowed. Montferrat, aided by Savoy, pressed him hard. Bernabéd was also in misfortune, for Acuto had left the Visconti service and entered that of the Pope. At this moment Isabella of Valois having died in giving birth to a son, Carlo, who himself died in the following year, Galeazzo began to negotiate another royal marriage for his son, this time with Maria, daughter and heiress of the King of Sicily, but his strength was failing rapidly and the negotiations dragged on without any decisive action being arrived at. In 1375, being then fifty-six years old, he gave over most of his power to Giangaleazzo, withdrawing himself to Pavia, while his son set to work to make terms with Savoy and recover the lost towns. Galeazzo suffered terribly from gout, and sent for doctors from miles round. In 1378 he died, and was buried in the city which he had adopted as his own and to which his son, in his turn, was to cling. He was buried in San Pietro, but his tomb was destroyed in later days. He had built the great palace and given much to churches. It is said that he did this in remorse for many ill deeds, for he shares with Bernabo the guilt of inventing the torture called the ‘‘ quaresima.”’ More probably, however, he was only carrying on the family ideas, for the Visconti consistently showed them- selves as great patrons of charities. He is not one of the great Visconti, but he was competent and left his mark on Milanese history through his absorption of Pavia. He was in his lifetime overshadowed by his brother, and after his death his fame was destined to be eclipsed by that of his great son.

my

CHAPTER VII BERNABO

Bernabd, his character—Stories of his punishment—His justice —His jokes—Methods of government—Quarrels with the Papacy— League against him—Loss of Bologna and efforts to recover it— Hawkwood employed by Bernabo—Victories of Mirandola and Rubiera—Quarrel with Acuto—Defeat of Bernabd—The schism and Bernabd’s relations with Florence—The Neapolitan succession— ot with France—Position of Giangaleazzo—Bernabd’s fall and

eath.

character is so contradictory that it is almost

impossible to decide what sort of man he was. He made the deepest impression on all who came in contact with him, and, like the heroes of other nations, he has left lasting traces in the legends and poems of the time. Not only is his character extraordinary, his life is equally so, and his sudden fall at the hands of his despised nephew is as dramatic as anything in history. At the same time, behind all the wealth of picturesque happenings there are to be found important threads of policy. Bernabd worked on the European stage, and his diplomacy places him amongst the kings and rulers of mediaeval Europe.

Before dealing with his life it is necessary to try and get some idea of the man himself. His great equestrian statue, now in the Castello at Milan, shows him as a tall, massive, broad-shouldered figure, with a small, round head and short, pointed beard, erect on his war-horse, in an attitude which at the outset seems to show strength and pride. Indeed, he was a man of superabundant vitality. He had an enormous family: thirty-six children were acknowledged by him, sixteen being legitimate. In his youth he had been wild, and as Azario says, “ ill-behaved with women,” and

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| Benen is the strangest of all the Visconti. His

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does not seem to have improved greatly with years. He had married in his uncle Giovanni’s lifetime Beatrice, daughter of Mastino della Scala, who was called Regina, “ because of the great spirit she had.” Bernabd loved his wife, though he was unfaithful to her, and in his worst fits of rage she was the only person who could come near him. He had great confidence in her, as is shown by the frequent, grants that he made to her of towns and lands. She was extremely competent and used to buy up poor or devastated districts, such as Lower Brescia, with her own money, and by developing their resources and judiciously expending capital upon them bring them once more to prosperity. Azario tells us that she was said to manage Bernabo just as Galeazzo II’s ministers managed him.

Bernabd was quite unlike his brother in this respect : he worked hard himself, and if his subordinates did not give satisfaction he dismissed them at once. He put down bribery with a stern hand, but if an official proved satis- factory he allowed him to remain in office. His good reputation as a master made him well-served. He fought at the head of his troops during his incessant wars, while Galeazzo always employed generals and did not go himself. Indeed Bernabd was in these respects more conservative and old-fashioned than either his brother or his nephew, who both worked as heads of more modern States through ministers and subordinates. He kept only a small Court, with two vicars and three councillors, and did most of his own work himself. From this fact probably arise many of the stories of his outbursts of rage, as he came into direct contact with all the irritating routine of government.

Though violent and brutal in many respects, Bernabd was not an ignorant boor. ‘‘ He was,” says Azario, ‘‘ most learned in the Decretals, and had studied them at length in his youth.” As a legislator, indeed, he did well, with the exception of his terrible game laws. Here he horrifies all modern standards. His passion for hunting was beyond

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even the bounds of the Middle Ages. Many are the tales told of him and the 5,000 hounds which he billeted upon the citizens of Milan. If the custodian of one of these hounds let it get into bad condition or die, fearful penalties overtook him—the loss of a hand or a foot or even his life. Anyone who killed a boar, Bernabd’s favourite game, was either blinded or hanged, and persons who did not pay game fines had their houses burnt down. Even though all kings at that day had very severe game laws, Bernabd’s regulations went farther than usual. But he must be judged by the standard of his time, and the severity of his laws may perhaps be compared with those which in nineteenth- century England valued sheep as highly as Bernabo valued his hounds, and imposed the death penalty on those who stole them. Smaller matters were also treated with great severity. Any man who perambulated Milan at night “asking for wine ’”’ was liable to have his foot cut off to teach him to stay at home peaceably. Trespassers in one of Bernabo’s private streets near the palace were in danger of their lives if caught. But these strict rules had their object, for under him Milan ceased to be infested by robbers and footpads. Like Alfred the Great, he aimed at making his territory safe for the private citizen, ‘‘so that a man might go from end to end of his land with no arms but a stick.”

A much greater blot on his fame was the invention of the “‘ quaresima,’’ which he shared with Galeazzo. This was a punishment inflicted on criminals which gave them the maximum of torture, ending, after forty days, in death. It began with a flogging, then a day’s rest ; another flogging, another rest; then limbs would be gradually removed— a hand, a foot, nose, ears, always with a day’s rest, until on the fortieth day, every limb having gone and most of the features, the poor wretch, if still alive, was beheaded. This at least is the account handed down, but it really seems quite impossible that such a punishment could have been

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inflicted. No human being could survive the shock of repeated amputations, even if properly nursed and cared for. In the case of prisoners weakened by flogging and, ill- treatment, shut up in the dungeons of mediaeval Italy, with no antiseptics, no surgery, and no nursing, it is quite clear that a man would be dead in a few days. Bernabo’s punishments were severe, his reputation for savagery was great, and chroniclers and gossips provided this account in order to satisfy the ideas of later times as to the horrors of his rule.

Allied to this streak of savagery was the ferocious justice of some of his judgments. Dati in one of the “ Novelle” tells how Bernabd, riding through the city, saw a crowd of persons. On inquiry he found they were gazing at a dead body, left in the street because the man had been too poor to pay the dues demanded for burial by the priest. Bernabo had the body taken up and buried, and he directed that beside it the priest who had refused sepulture should himself be buried alive. Another story relates how a friar was con- demned to be burnt for saying that Christ Himself was poor and had no wealth. The inquisitor who had sentenced him, on being summoned before Bernabo, admitted that he had condemned the friar unjustly, knowing indeed that his words were true, and that he should have been set free. Bernabd ordered the inquisitor to be burnt “‘ for giving false judgment and for saying what he thought would please and not caring whether it were true doctrine or not.” Again, Fiorentino tells of the man who wrongfully enclosed a widow’s garden. Bernabd made him dig a ditch showing the true boundary and then buried him init. Sercambi also relates the story of a girl, Cateruzza, who had been carried off by force. Bernabo sent for the man who had done the deed, compelled him to marry Cateruzza, then had him beheaded at once, and gave his wealth as a dowry to the widow.

His contemporaries seem to have considered him a just

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man, for we find him frequently praised for this character- istic. Azario says, “Truly the Lord Bernabd loved justice’; and the author of the ‘“ Annales Mediolanes ” says, “ In his cruelties was much justice.” He was reputed harder in his judgments on the rich than on the poor, saying when he held open audience, ‘‘ Come and fear not, ye weak, for the rich and great have their advocates whom they pay, but I will be advocate of those who cannot pay’; and the “Lament ’’ says, ‘‘ He held the balance true between rich and poor,”

Not all of the tales are of this ruthless description ; many illustrate a buffoonery which seems to have been equally characteristic. He disliked talkative people and was him- self a silent man, but he was not morose or sullen. Of one of his early loves we are told that “ he allowed her to say whatever she chose to him, never growing angry with her but only laughing.’”’ Sachetti knew him well, and relates many of these grotesque incidents. One is the story of the “value of Bernabé, which he estimated himself at twenty- nine denarii, for Christ Himself was sold for thirty ’’; this tale is also told of King John of England. Another story relates how a rich lord sent him a present of two asses and a roll of scarlet cloth, and Bernabd in reply thanked the donor warmly for parting with his friends and companions and remaining lonely without the society of his fellows.

One trick he played was to put a tiny ambassador who had come to his Court to ride an enormous horse, and Bernabé and his Court laughed violently at the vain efforts of the little man to find his stirrups, which had been purposely lengthened. Ambassadors indeed were a fre- quent source of mirth to him. On one occasion some came from Bologna, and presented themselves with the formula, “We are ambassadors from Bologna, if it please you.” Having departed and reached Vercelli they thought of their dignity and returned to say, ‘‘ Whether it please you or not, we are the ambassadors of Bologna.” But Bernabo only

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laughed and said he was glad they were what they believed themselves to be.

Most famous of all is the embassy sent by the Pope in 1361, who came upon him as he sat on the bridge over the Lambro. Seizing the Bull of excommunication which the two had brought, Bernabé looked at it and then down into the swift water, and turning savagely on the clerics asked them whether they would rather eat or drink. Perceiving that to drink would mean that they would be thrown to drown in the river, they chose to eat, and were thereupon forced to devour the parchment they had brought, seals and all. One of these two later became Pope Urban V and remained one of Bernabo’s most implacable enemies.

The very fact that chronicles, poems, and ‘‘ Novelle ”’ all abound in stories about Bernabd show what an impression he made on his times. He was always being talked about, and not always to his disadvantage. In the popular memory transmitted through ballads and jests, he survived as fantastically just, coarse, sometimes cruel.

Such was the man who in 1354 became ruler of the eastern Milanese, which included Bergamo, Brescia, Cre- mona, Soncino, Lodi, Valcamonica, Parma, Pontremoli, and Bologna. The claim to Bologna led, as we have already seen, direct to war with the Papacy. From the beginning of his rule to the end Bernabd is ceaselessly warring with the Church, and his whole foreign policy was in this way affected. He became the heir of the old Visconti traditions, living under excommunication and interdict, thwarting the clergy and persecuting them whenever he could, declaring himself ‘‘ Pope within his own boundaries,” hated and feared in his turn and pursued by this ecclesiastical rancour in the chronicles written after his death.

The struggle began immediately on the death of Marco, when Giovanni da Oleggio first tried to keep Bologna for himself, and finding that beyond his powers, called in the Papal Legate. The Pope issued a Bull against Bernabo,

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who proving quite recalcitrant was excommunicated, the envoys being the wretched men of the Lambro.

For the next two years war raged with varying fortune until a general peace was concluded in 1358, followed by marriage alliances with the Gonzaga and Carrara families. Great festivities were held, and as Regina had lately given birth to a son the princes came to the christening as a sign of amity. The peace did not last long; in 1359 Bernabd again attacked Bologna, which was now given over by Oleggio to Cardinal Albornoz. The Papacy thus came into direct conflict with the Visconti, all of whose efforts to recapture the city failed. Innocent VI died in 1362, and, unfortunately for Bernabd, was succeeded by Urban V, who had been one of the ambassadors of the Lambro incident, and who therefore had a personal hatred of the violent prince. He excommunicated Bernabo on the grounds that he had forced the clergy to pay taxes and had summoned them before his courts and tried them like ordinary citizens. A crusade was preached, efforts made to rouse the Visconti’s own subjects, and finally a crushing defeat was inflicted on the Milanese In 1364 Bernabé came to terms and gave up all his castles in the Bolognese. The sentence of excom- munication and interdict was removed and for a brief interval peace reigned.

When in 1367 the Pope decided on another trial of strength, Bernabd found a new supporter. This was Sir John Hawkwood, the famous English soldier known as “ Acuto”’ to the Italians. He had come to Italy on the occasion of the marriage of Violante Visconti to Lionel Duke of Clarence. He now took command of Bernabd’s army and met with great success. Each attack of the Papal troops was beaten off, culminating in two important victories at Mirandola and Rubiera. Then came a dramatic change. In 1372 Bernabd quarrelled with Acuto, it is believed over the high position in the army given to Giangaleazzo, his nephew. Acuto instantly took service

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with the Pope, taking with him the victory which always followed his arms. Yet in spite of defeats in the field the Visconti held on so that the Pope, furious but helpless, could only write to Acuto that ‘‘ Bernabé, that son of Belial, has lost neither city, fortress nor town of any sort.”

War indeed under the auspices of condottiert was not likely to produce any decisive results, and after a few more months of desultory fighting a truce was arrived at. It was now that the strange character of the age received another illustration. Catherine of Siena, the saint who so loved Italy and her fellow-men, felt compelled to make some effort to stop this cruel and senseless strife. She wrote her famous letter to Acuto, in which, recognizing his real talent for warfare and the irresistible impulse he felt to use that talent, she begged him to desist from employing it against his fellow-Christians. ‘‘ Since God and our Holy Father have ordered the expedition against the infidels, and since you delight so much in making war and fighting, I pray you war no more upon Christians, because it offends God ; but go against those others. How cruel it is that we who are Christians should persecute one another! I am much amazed that, having promised, as I have heard, to go to die for Christ in this holy enterprise, you should now be making warhere. This is not the holy disposition that God demands from you.” Italy was being laid waste and was kept in continual misery. Let him leave that country and betake himself to war against the Saracens, where he would find plenty of scope for his energies and would be destroying the enemies of the Christ they both served. Her appeal fell on a deaf ear, for Acuto was not impressed by the virtues preached by the saint. He wished not only for glory in arms, but for prosperity in worldly things. The Crusader could not make of war the profitable business it was to a condotttere, and Acuto remained in Italy, selling his services and improving his material prospects.

His presence brought about altogether unlooked-for

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results. The Pope, anxious to make the most of so valuable an employee, sent him in 1375 against the Parmigiano. Florence, up to this date the constant supporter of the Church, felt the most bitter indignation at the introduction of Acuto into Tuscany. Taking counsel with Pisa, she decided that at the moment nothing could be done but bribe the mercenaries to remove themselves. Acuto succeeded in extorting a vast subsidy, Florence producing the immense sum of 130,000 florins in gold. The matter was not, however, allowed to rest here. Florence deter- mined that such a menace must be removed, and she took the unexpected action of allying with the Visconti, and her example was followed by Pisa, Lucca, and even Genoa. At this very moment came an outburst of rebellion in the Papal States. Town after town rose in revolt: Perugia, where feeling was especially strong against the Papacy, Citta di Castello, Viterbo, and no less than eighty others within a few weeks. Florence was the leading supporter of this rising, and excitement in the city rose to boiling point as messenger after messenger rode in from all parts of the Romagna, bringing the news of fresh risings and new adherents to the League. Acuto was defeated before Viterbo, and had to retreat from before Perugia; and Florence wrote to Bernabo, ‘“ If the campaign be held out for a month, the domination of the foreigners in Italy will be made an end of for ever.’’ Bologna in her turn joined the revolt. A Breton company enlisted by the Pope was defeated by the Florentines. In fury the Papal troops were ordered to devastate the whole countryside. Cesena, taken by the Legate, was put to the sack. It was clear that the situation was unprecedented. Determined now on victory at all costs, Bernabo and his great ally took a remark- able step: they bought over Acuto, winning him from the Papal service to their own, not only by money but by a matriage alliance. Bernabo had a daughter, Donnina, the child of his much-loved mistress Donnina dei Porri. She

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was given as wife to Acuto, together with a great dowry. “The wedding was honoured by the presence of the Lady Regina and all the daughters of Bernabo, the Lady Regina giving the bride 1,000 ducats in gold in a vase.”” Another illegitimate daughter, Elisabetta, was at the same time married to another great condottiere, Lando ; while a third, Riccarda, was married to a Breton leader, Bertrand de la Sale.

No sooner were the festivities over than Acuto took the field on behalf of his new father-in-law. He drove the Breton company out of Romagna, and the Pope, perceiving that for the moment nothing but disaster was to be expected, came to terms and concluded peace, actually inviting Bernabd to act as mediator between him and Florence.

The contest between the Church and Bernabd may be said to end here. The schism, beginning in 1378, altered the entire situation. Hitherto Bernabd had been con- cerned chiefly with what may be called a territorial struggle. Now his position was defined. He was too strong for the Papacy to crush him, but in turn he was not strong enough to extend his possessions at the expense of the Papacy.

Before turning to his wider foreign policy it is convenient to conclude his operations in Italy and his dealings with the Italian States. With Florence he had, in the earlier years of his reign, been at war. He wished to acquire Leghorn and Pisa; and in 1369, when Acuto was in his employ, he had sent an expedition to help San Miniato, then in revolt against Florence. Acuto encamped near San Miniato, and the Florentine army advanced against him. The forces met at Cascina, where Acuto pretended to retreat across the Arno. He placed some of his troops in ambush, and as the Florentines advanced confidently across the river they were fallen upon, taken by surprise, and routed. The State banner of Florence was taken and sent as a trophy to Bernabo. Acuto proceeded to ravage the territory. Sardi writes, ‘‘ At my place they set fire to the woodwork,

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burned my stores, beams, benches, cupboards, bedsteads, stools, and wardrobes. The Lord destroy them all!” This meant that the troops feeling the cold took what steps they could to keep themselves warm. An attempt to wrest San Miniato from Florence failed.

Biscia né serpe ne Giovanni Acuto Per suo oprar non gli dara magagna. —(SACHETTI)

Pisa also was unobtainable, but Leghorn was captured and Acuto rode insolently under the walls of Florence _ herself before withdrawing to Lombardy in 1370. After an interval of four years there came a change in Florentine policy towards the Papacy and the alliance with Bernabo, which has already been described. On the conclusion of the struggle in 1378, Florence and Bernabd remained on friendly terms, and Bernabé, who had paid one-third of the fee demanded by Acuto on deserting Papal service, was now able to employ his son-in-law on his own ventures.

Regina della Scala had claims on Verona, now in the hands of Cansignore. On the death of that prince Regina’s brother, Bernabo, used her claims as a pretext to attack the city. He sent Acuto against the Scaligers, who appealed for help to Louis of Hungary. Louis of Hungary was at that time engaged in a quarrel with Venice. He saw in this appeal of the Scaligers an opportunity to detach Verona from her old friendship with Venice. Accordingly he decided to help Francesco Scala, who at this juncture became Lord of Verona. He sent troops and in addition gave Francesco the cities of Belluno, Feltre, and Cividale. Francesco tried to placate the Visconti and asked for a marriage alliance, but was rebuffed by Regina. Acuto and Lando defeated the Hungarians in a skirmish on the Adige, but failed to accomplish anything more. Regina and her eldest son, Marco, as being specially concerned in the acquisition of Verona, interfered unduly, as Acuto thought. Quarrels on the plan of operations Jed to a complete rupture.

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Probably heavy bribes from the Scaligers also influenced the two mercenaries. Bernabd accused his captains, especi- ally Lando, of not trying to take Verona, and in return both Lando and Acuto left his service.

The attempt on Verona was successful in so far that Verona, in order to obtain peace, undertook to pay a yearly tribute to Bernabd, and Acuto, after a brief interval of employment by Florence, went south to seek fortune in the war of the Neapolitan succession, being taken into the pay of Charles of Durazzo. Before he returned north the death of Bernabo had occurred.

Turning now to a wider sphere, the policy of Bernabo in foreign relations is most striking. He is the first of the Visconti who is of any real importance in European affairs. With him we enter upon the diplomatic stage. He negoti- ated with foreign kings, and he carried out a definite policy. Though at first sight involved, his course is in reality quite clear. The essential fact to be borne in mind is the develop- ment of Bernabo’s ambition to become sole prince and ruler of the great Milanese State. His foreign alliances increased his power and prestige ; they led him on insensibly, until he came to realize that only his nephew, Giangaleazzo, stood between him and the sovereignty of Milan. Dynastic alliances, leading to increased ambitions, were the cause both of Bernabo’s rise and his fall.

The great question of the schism in the Papacy compli- cated ali Italian and European affairs at this date, and in order to make Bernabo’s situation clearer it is necessary to go into the matter. Gregory XI died in 1378 and the conclave to elect his successor was held in Rome. The Romans, utterly weary of an absentee Pope, and all the misgovernment of officials, were resolved on the election of an Italian, and all night long a mob would stand outside the Vatican shouting, ‘‘ Volemo lo Papa Romano o Italiano.” On the other hand the Cardinals themselves preferred

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residence at Avignon. In the outcome, the Archbishop of Bari, who, though Italian, was the nominee of the French party, was elected and took the name of Urban VI. Urban by his personal character alienated a large body of the Cardinals, who, supported by popular discontent, began to question the legality of the election. This section eventually carried their view so far as to proceed to elect Robert of Geneva, who proclaimed himself Pope under the title of Clement VII. Schism thus broke out and parties soon ranged themselves. Italy as a whole supported Urban, as did Hungary, Germany, England, and Scotland. France, upholding the French Cardinals and the Avignon party, stood by Clement ; Spain followed her example, and so did Savoy. Naples took her own line and thereby made the tangle worse. The French crown was interested in the Neapolitan succession, Louis of Anjou being one of Joanna’s adopted heirs. Clement VII supported France. Joanna had been bitterly offended by Urban, and therefore herself supported Clement. In 1379 Clement, driven from Rome, went to Naples, and thence embarked for Avignon. There in the next year he sanctioned Joanna’s adoption of Louis of Anjou as her heir, and promised to bestow on him a new “ Kingdom of Adria,” composed of the States of the Church. Louis however could not leave for Naples, since the death of his brother, Charles V of France, in 1380 left a child of twelve’ to ascend the throne. A Council of Regency had to be formed, and Louis was obliged to remain in France. His rival, Charles of Durazzo, took advantage of this. Urban VI, the enemy of Joanna and of course hostile to the French succession, welcomed Charles of Durazzo to Rome. Thence he marched on Naples, besieged and captured Joanna, and made himself master of the kingdom. Joanna in vain sent for help; she was kept a close prisoner in the hope she would repudiate Louis and accept Charles as her successor.

The Neapolitan succession was one of the chief factors in Bernabo’s political life, for circumstances induced him to

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take an active part in the contest. Charles of Durazzo was the nephew of Louis of Hungary, and Bernabo had already come into conflict with Louis over the affair of Verona. In addition, Charles was more likely to cause trouble in Italy than Louis of Anjou, who came from a more distant country and was less familiar with Italian policy. Bernabd there- fore joined the party which supported the French claim to Naples. As regarded the Pope, Bernabo would probably have preferred to accept Urban, who was supported by the bulk of Italy and who was more popular among Bernabo’s own subjects. The interaction of Naples, however, on the Papacy led him to support Clement as the nominee of France. Viewing with dismay Charles of Durazzo’s success- ful expedition to Naples, the Visconti attempted at first to form an Italian league against him. Florence, though dis- liking Charles, could not join by reason of an existing alliance with his uncle, Louis of Hungary. The other States supported Urban VI and preferred to remain neutral. The project fell to the ground. When the death of Joanna occurred at the beginning of 1382, Ferrara, Verona, Padua, Florence, and the other States realized too late the import- ance of the question. They hastily opened negotiations with Milan, but the whole position had altered. Gianga- leazzo, indeed, was ready to listen to them, but Bernabo had set out on an entirely new set of negotiations. For, on receipt of the news of Joanna’s captivity, Louis of Anjou determined to undertake an expedition to wrest Naples from Charles of Durazzo. He prepared to cross the Alps, and sent an embassy ahead of him to Milan. That State lay across the route to the south, and it was essential for the French to secure their communications by an alliance with the Visconti. Accordingly, Louis offered terms. He would marry his eldest son to Bernabd’s daughter, Lucia, and Bernabo in return should provide him with money and troops. The offer of so splendid an alliance was not to be tefused. Bernabd accepted and the treaty was signed.

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Corio says that the terms arranged for a further alliance, another daughter being betrothed to the Count of Valois, while Louis promised to aid Bernabd in the conquest of Verona. Louis crossed the Alps and was met by Bernabd at Castel San Giovanni. The two went together to Piacen- tino and on to Parma. Thence, in August, 1381, Louis proceeded towards Naples. The betrothed pair were as yet too young for the marriage to take place, but Bernabo paid the subsidy quite regularly. In 1384 Louis found himself in difficulties; the Neapolitan war was going badly. Urban VI had visited Charles of Durazzo in Naples and had denounced Louis as a schismatic and proclaimed a crusade against him. Further help was needed, and Enguerrand de Courcy was sent to Milan to obtain it. The marriage must be pushed on and reinforcements must be sent to Naples. In August, 1384, Enguerrand entered Milan, but a few weeks later the news arrived that Louis of Anjou had died suddenly at Bisceglie of fever, by which his army was decimated. All was thrown into confusion. The French king, engaged in war with England, could not help; Louis’ wife, Maria, determined to carry on the struggle and to fight for the claims of her son, Louis II, the promised husband of Lucia Visconti. She sent to Bernabo praying him “ to continue that which he had begun if he wished his daughter to be Queen of Naples.’”’ Bernabo agreed readily to do all he could to help “‘ until there should be but one Pope in the Church and but one king in Sicily.” He offered to provide one-fifth of a troop of 5,000 lances, the rest to be provided by the French and the Avignon Pope. He was here binding himself clearly to support Clement, who was rapidly gaining ground in Italy. Maria obtained help from the King of France and set out for Avignon to co-operate with Clement. All was in train for the dispatch of a second Neapolitan expedition when once more tragic news was brought to her post haste. This time the announcement was of the fate which had overtaken Bernabo. 6

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For the policy of that prince had produced striking results. He had now for some years been engaged in a dynastic policy, aiming at the aggrandisement of his family. He had been so successful that it had become clear to Giangaleazzo that his uncle could not long be expected to content himself with but the half of the Milanese State. The French marriage would give Bernabd final encourage- ment, while at the same time it would deprive Giangaleazzo of his last support. Isabella of Valois had died in 1372 in giving birth to a son, Carlo, who also died. Giangaleazzo could still hope for support from his feeble relative, Charles VI of France, nephew to the late Isabella, but were Bernabo to be thus closely allied to Louis of Anjou, then his influence at the French Court would outweigh that of Giangaleazzo. Elsewhere Bernabd had formed a whole network of powerful alliances, especially with the rulers of South Germany. His vast array of sons and daughters had here proved very useful. One daughter, Taddea, had married Stephen of Bavaria, and her youthful daughter, Isabella, o Bavaria, was now destined to become the wife of Charles VI o{ France. The marriage indeed, with all the fearful consequences which it was destined to entail, took place in July, 1385. Another daughter, Maddalena, married Frederick Duke of Bavaria in 1382. A third, Verde, had married Leopold of Austria in 1365. A fourth, Valenza, married Peter King of Cyprus in 1365. Agnese had married Gonzaga Marquis of Mantua. His son Charles, married Beatrice of Armagnac. Other equally splendid matches had been the subject of negotiations. Sicily had attracted Bernabd’s attention, and as far back as 1377 a marriage had been arranged between his daughter Antonia and King Frederick III. It had, however, been stopped by the untimely death of Frederick, and Antonia in 1380 married the Count of Wiirtemberg. A proposal was then made that the heiress Maria of Sicily should marry Giangaleazzo, now a widower. Great pains were taken over

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this proposal, which was not at all to Bernabd’s taste. He made a will at this time, in which any heirs of Giangaleazzo and Maria were to be the last persons to inherit his Milanese territories. In the end his dislike of the proposal grew so strong that he determined to prevent the marriage. Maria at this juncture had been carried off by Moncada, a rebel noble. Giangaleazzo wished to set out to her rescue, but the galleys with which he was to sail were destroyed in port by the Aragonese. Caterina di Bernabd had been proposed as a wife for Richard II of England, and an embassy was then carrying on negotiations. These were suddenly with- drawn. Giangaleazzo was induced to abandon his journey to Maria, and was instead persuaded to marry his cousin Caterina, the wedding taking place at San Giovanni in Conca in November, 1380, This marriage has been the source of much speculation. It was later one of the grounds of complaint against Bernabd that he had prevented Giangaleazzo from contracting any alliances beyond the Visconti family. His only sister, the widowed Violante, was married to Ludovico, Bernabd’s second son. She was an extraordinarily unfortunate woman in her marriages. Her first bridegroom, Lionel of Clarence, had died within a few weeks of their wedding. Her second, the Marquis of Montferrat, married her in 1377 and was killed in 1378. She was married to Ludovico di Bernabd, her third, in 138r ; he was imprisoned by Giangaleazzo in 1385 and she never set eyes on him again, though he lived until 1404. Gianga- leazzo’s only daughter, Valentina, was now betrothed to Bernabo’s son Carlo ; his little son Azzone, it was suggested, should be betrothed to Bernabd’s little daughter Elisabetta, called “ Piccinina,” and be recognized as Giangaleazzo’s heir. Azzone’s death in October, 1381, rendered this plan useless. The marriage with Caterina is seen by some as an attempt on Giangaleazzo’s part to propitiate Bernabd and win safety for himself. Others believed it to be a plot whereby Bernabé thought he could establish his daughter

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as a spy upon his nephew. The famous accusation against Bernabo charges him with endeavouring by evil means to disturb the relations between husband and wife, and of preventing by witchcraft the birth of children to Caterina. In actual fact the marriage proved a successful one. Caterina seems to have worked loyally with her husband and to have identified her interests with his. She gave him the heirs he wished for, and apparently took her husband’s part in the contest against her father.

Bernabo’s lack of political vision is illustrated by the settlement of his possessions, which he had made shortly before this. In 1379 he had confirmed a previous will by which his territories, instead of being handed on intact to his heir, were divided between his sons. The eldest, Marco, was given half of Milan; MRudolfo received Bergamo, Soncino, and the Ghiara d’Adda; Ludovico, Lodi and Cremona; Carlo, Parma, Crema, and Borgo Dan Sonnino ; the youngest, Mastino, who was still a child, was to have Brescia, Riviera, and the Valcamonica. Each one was sent to live in the city assigned to him. Until the death of their father they were to act as his lieutenants, but at his death each one was to be absolute ruler over his share. The plan had nothing to recommend it and is in striking contrast to the policy later adopted by Giangaleazzo, The division however possibly brought home still more the fact that while so many heirs existed there was but half of the Milanese State to be divided amongst them.

The secret hostility between Bernabd and his nephew, existing for the years preceding the match between Louis of Anjou and Lucia, was by that proposal forced into the open. The position was clear: on the one side was Bernabo, full of ambition and vigour, with his numerous sons to support him, and a whole host of powerful connexions by marriage. On the other was Giangaleazzo, alone, without brothers or sons, and with no allies. His one source of support, the French crown, hitherto friendly to him as the widowed

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husband of the king’s aunt, was now threatened. If Bernabo secured the French alliance he need no longer fear to seize that half of the Milanese State which his nephew held. Nor did it seem as if Giangaleazzo would offer any resistance, or that such efforts as he might make were to be feared. Reputed timid and a weakling, given up to the practices of religion, he lived in great retirement at Pavia. His early experiences of warfare seemed forgotten, and he appeared wholly given up to little pilgrimages and osten- tatious performances of religious vows. To his small Court at Pavia came the news of the “great feasts and high revelry ’’ with which Bernabo prepared to celebrate his daughter’s marriage. The ‘‘ Lament of Bernabo,” written by a contemporary, describes the situation: ‘‘ The friends of the Count Giangaleazzo said to each other with down- cast eyes, ‘Now what will he do with all the men here assembled?” Oh! God, guard the Count in these days.” A friend writes to warn him not to come near Milan, and his mother tells him what she fears from his uncle: ‘‘ Bernabd is making fresh alliances with France. If he becomes related to the king he will seize upon your sovereignty.” Giangaleazzo saw what was before him and decided that the moment had come to risk all. He wrote to Bernabo, telling him that on May 5th he should be passing near Milan on his way to make a vow at the shrine of the Madonna del Monte, near Varese, and that he should like to pay his respects to his uncle if Bernabé could come and meet him for a brief interval. Bernabd, scoffing at his priest-ridden nephew, replied that he would ride out and meet him on the way. Giangaleazzo set out from Pavia with an armed escort of five hundred lances, headed by Jacopo da Verme. As they neared the bridge from San Ambrogio to San Vittore, where the Porta di San Ambrogio now stands, they saw Bernabo’s troop approaching, and with what feelings must Giangaleazzo have satisfied himself that it was a very small one ? Bernabd, with his two eldest sons Rodolfo and

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Ludovico (Marco had died in 1382), rode up ; they were at once surrounded by Giangaleazzo’s men and found them- selves prisoners. The victor in this brief affair, which passed without any attempt at resistance on the part of his enemies, rode on in triumph into Milan. The populace welcomed him as a deliverer, for the reports of his mild rule had predisposed them in his favour. A mob rushed at once to sack Bernabd’s palace and burn all his archives. Giangaleazzo secured the Castello di Porta Romana with Bernabd’s treasure, 700,000 florins in gold and much silver. Bernabd was first imprisoned at the Porta Giovia, which had always been held by Giangaleazzo as part of his share of Milan, and was later sent to the fortress of Trezzo. He lived in strict captivity for six months and died on December 19, 1385. Some said that his death was due to poison, but for this there is no contemporary evidence, and a modern writer declares he died “ of the same illness as Napoleon I— disappointed ambition.” He was buried in San Giovanni in Conca with great splendour, and a magnificent tomb and statue were erected as his memorial. The splendid statue is to be seen to-day in the museum of the Castello. It repre- sents Bernabo seated high on his war-horse, recalling the well-known effigy of Can Grande at Verona. He wears armour, and his attitude gives an immediate impression of boldness and strength. Even the casual passer-by would notice the figure and feel that here was a warrior of the old type, vigorous and full of fierce energy. His two sons were imprisoned for life in San Colombano.

Bernabo’s ruin was as complete as it was sudden. After that one scene on the road he vanished completely from the life of Milan. No effort was made to save him by his subjects. When Giangaleazzo’s coup was made known a general council was held in the city, and Milan formally recognized Giangaleazzo and his descendants as lords.

His surviving son, Carlo, fled at once, and though Carlo tried to stir up disaffection against Giangaleazzo he never

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succeeded. The foreign sons-in-law, after Bernabd himself was dead, made one feeble attempt to overthrow his Successor, but readily allowed themselves to be bought off, This speaks for itself. Bernabd was not regretted, and none wished to see him restored to liberty and power. Regina had died in the preceding June, but Donnina dei Porri is said to have visited him in his prison at Trezzo. In the “ Lament,” written in the form of words spoken by Bernabd, he is made to say that all his misfortunes have come from his own wrong-doing. Certainly he had done little to win either affection or respect. He had been a harsh ruler, intent only on the aggrandisement of his children. His removal from the scene was welcomed, for in Gianga- leazzo the people believed themselves to have a ruler from whom they could hope for better things.

* CHAPTER VIII GIANGALEAZZO

Giangaleazzo, character and education—Good government— Foreign policy of his reign—The Neapolitan question—French alliance—Marriage of Valentina—Kingdom of Adria—The vote de fait—Expedition of Stephen of Bavaria and of Armagnac—Peace of Genoa—Bernabd’s heirs—League of Bologna—Alliance with Wenceslas and creation of the Duchy of Milan—Expedition of Emperor Rupert defeated—Home policy, conquest of Verona and Padua—Birth of an heir—League of Florence and Bologna—War against the Republic—Peace of Genoa—Mantuan League, second War—tTruce of 1398—Acquisition of Perugia and Siena—Advance in Tuscany—Florence calls in the Emperor—Advance on Florence —Death of Giangaleazzo—Estimate of his career.

IOVANNI GALEAZZO, or Giangaleazzo, as he was called, was the greatest of all the Visconti. He had wonderful abilities, and made use of them.

Under him Milan became a great State, feared and respected throughout Italy, and Machiavelli saw in the achievements of Giangaleazzo the possibilities which he foreshadowed in ‘“‘T] Principe.” Yet up to the time when he seized power from Bernabd, Giangaleazzo had not shown signs of great- ness. He was reputed to be delicate and timid, though in his early campaigns he had done quite creditably ; but after the death of his father he had led a very retired life, Possibly in this way he hoped to shield himself from his uncle. He had lived at Pavia, occupied chiefly with his studies and much given to religious observances. Later events showed that he was most certainly not lacking in courage of any kind, and we can only conclude that he was biding his time and seeking to divert Bernabdo’s suspicions by leading him to suppose that nothing was to be feared from his nephew. Yet these years of quietness and study were of permanent value to Giangaleazzo, for they enabled 88

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him to read widely and to form ideas of government based on those of the ancient Greeks, which he was later able to put into practice. In the mere fact that he was consciously a ruler, acting upon well thought out theories of government and politics, we have one of the great differences between Giangaleazzo and his forerunners. He is a modern prince | with modern ideas, and in many respects we can draw nearer to him than to any of his contemporaries.

The man who was to have so remarkable a career, who was to defeat three foreign invasions, conquer many cities and States, and attempt an early union of Northern Italy, was now about twenty-seven years old. There has been much controversy over the exact year of his birth, which was given differently on his monument and in various authorities. It seems now to be established that he was born at Milan towards the end of 1351, probably in October, on the vigil of San Gallo. His mother was Bianca of Savoy, who had married Galeazzo II in September, 1350. There is a story told that when Petrarch was visiting Milan, Giangaleazzo, aged eight, was told by his father to pick out the wisest man among the company, and the boy at once crossed the room and took Petrarch by the hand. A picture of the incident was painted for the Castello.

At the age of nine he was married to Isabella of Valois (October, 1360), and four years later the young couple set up house together, Giangaleazzo being then twelve and a half years old. Their first child, a daughter, was born in 1366, and was called Valentina. She it was who, by her French marriage, was destined to give rise to the French claims on Milan, which were to be the cause of such disaster in future years. Three sons were born to them ; the eldest, called Giangaleazzo after his father, died in infancy; the second, Azzone, died as a child in 1381, but survived his young mother, who herself died in 1372 in giving birth to the last baby, Carlo, who did not live.

In person Giangaleazzo was extremely handsome. He

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was very tall, over six feet in height, with the hair of reddish-gold common amongst the Visconti. He wore a short, pointed beard, and his eyes were a clear grey. When his tomb was opened in 1889, his skeleton was that of a tall, splendidly developed man, and the short, pointed beard was still reddish-gold. He was a good horseman and had been brought up by his father to take part in the various cam- paigns of that troubled reign. He was a good linguist, knowing French, German, and Latin. The great library at Pavia contained a number of books and manuscripts of all descriptions, including the works of Dante and Petrarch, Plato, Cicero, Virgil, Horace, the early Fathers, St. Augus- tine, St. Ambrose, and many others. During the years when he apparently withdrew to live a life of quiet and humiliation he gave himself up to study the humanities, law, classics, and jurisprudence. He also tried to win himself allies by making friends with his father’s rivals, and bought the friendship of Amadeus VII of Savoy by giving up some land to him. In 1378 the Vicariate granted by Charles of Luxemburg lapsed and Giangaleazzo took care to get it renewed. With the death of Isabella in 1372 his difficulties increased. Bernabd undoubtedly prevented the match with Maria of Aragon, and forced on the marriage with his own daughter, Caterina. Probably Giangaleazzo now realized how closely he was hemmed in; his plots against Bernabé certainly date from this period, followed as it was by the unmistakable threat involved in the marriage of Lucia di Bernabé and Louis of Anjou. At the same time Giangaleazzo set his own house in order. He began all sorts of reforms: he relieved the burden of taxation, put down, the greed of the officials, reformed the customs and purified the administration of justice. He sent new officials to places where old ones had been found corrupt. He encouraged religion, and spent more time than usual in the churches. Bernabd sneered at him for lessening the oppres- sion of his father’s rule and for trying to please his subjects.

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Yet it is undoubted that to his policy of reform Giangaleazzo owed the public support which secured him in his seizure of Milan. No attempt was ever made by his subjects against him. From the day when Bernabo disappeared within the fortress of Trezzo to the day of Giangaleazzo’s death, twenty years later, his hold over his dominions was secure. His power was based on the solid benefits of his rule.

Thus the beginning of his reign saw the inauguration of much-needed reforms : a political amnesty was proclaimed, taxation was reduced, justice was purified. In one notable respect Giangaleazzo acted on the same lines as the Kings of England: he compelled the clergy to pay their share of taxation, thus checking the power of privilege and securing an equitable income for the State. The Duke had the right to present to benefices, subject to Papal ratification. He ordered a revision of the statutes and encouraged the study of Roman law. The magistrates were given power to proceed against criminals, and the administration of justice was centralized and improved. A Consiglio di Giustizia was set up, which acted as a court of appeal. The Consiglio Segreto supervised administration, saw to the pay of the army, and such-like matters. Under him the annual revenue of the State was estimated at 1,200,000 gold florins, with an additional 100,000 in extra-ordinary subsidies.

Had not this been the case he could hardly have main- tained his position. Bernabd left many to carry on the feud, and the whole of Giangaleazzo’s foreign policy was coloured by the need to overcome these enmities. At first matters went well. He sent round to all Courts the “justification ’’ for his action, explaining the accusations which he brought against his uncle. Venice accepted the reasons given by Giangaleazzo for deposing Bernabd; so eventually did Florence. Bernabo’s only surviving grown-up son, Carlo, in vain begged for help from the various rulers of Northern Italy. He wandered through Mantua, Crema,

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Parma trying to stir up the princes, but no one would help him. He appealed to Hawkwood, his brother-in-law, who was incensed against Giangaleazzo for personal reasons. The prince had imprisoned Donnina, mother of Acuto’s wife, and had declared her tardy matriage with Bernabo null and void, thus maintaining the illegitimacy of her children, Hawkwood was however appeased by bribery and took service with Giangaleazzo in July. Carlo himself was a worthless young man who earned contempt and dislike. The Marquis of Mantua preferred to enter into a pact with Giangaleazzo to rid Italy of free companies. A league was formed, and a blue banner inscribed with the word ‘“ Pax”’ was chosen as its ensign. Beyond this the project did not come to anything, and indeed some have seen in it only a trick of Giangaleazzo’s to win the friendship of his neighbours at this critical time. In the end Carlo crossed the Alps to his brothers-in-law of Bavaria. His little brother, Mastino, went to Venice, where he accepted a pension from Giangaleazzo and gave no further trouble, and Giangaleazzo was left to develop his plans in Italy.

Tue FoREIGN PoLicy OF GIANGALEAZZO

Giangaleazzo’s foreign policy was from first to last con- cerned with three very difficult problems. First he had to counteract the great influence of Bernabd’s various children at the Courts of Germany and France. Secondly, he had to steer clear of the endless difficulties and complications created by the Schism and the presence of one of the Popes in France. Thirdly, he had to strive with all his might to meet the various invaders who, at the instigation of either Bernabo’s heirs or the Papacy, led their armies across the Alps.

His relations with France show how all three became entangled. She was the ally to whom he most readily

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tuned ; but, though friendly at first, she was to be influ- enced by Bernabd’s heirs. Yet while he remained on good terms with her he had to avoid committing himself to the support of the Avignon Pope.

The French line was clear. Louis of Anjou’s claims to Naples must be satisfied, either by the conquest of Naples or by alternative compensation. When French military power was in the ascendant, schemes of conquest went forward ; when it waned, recourse was had to Clement VII and attempts at a ‘‘new Kingdom” begun. Charles of Durazzo in 1385 was induced to return to Hungary, where ‘the death of his uncle Louis and the misgovernment of the regent, Queen Elizabeth, had caused great disorders. Charles attempted to secure the Kingdom for himself, but his plans were put an end to by his assassination in February, 1386. He was killed by Nicolas Gara, the favourite of Queen Elizabeth, and left as his heir his little son Ladislas, who was twelve years of age. The House of Anjou had also lost its head by the death of Louis in 1384, but his widow was prepared to fight for her son’s claims. A fresh expedi- tion was dispatched, under the captaincy of Otto of Bruns- wick and blessed by Clement VII. Any French expedition had to be assured of Visconti friendliness, and this Maria secured, though she was not very anxious to fall in with the plans of Giangaleazzo. Giangaleazzo, for his part, felt it necessary to keep up the French alliance. In the dangerous period after Bernabo’s fall he did not care to run any risks that could be avoided ; he preferred to keep up an alliance rather than break it. Yet one great difference between his policy and Bernabo’s must be noted: Bernabo had aimed simply at dynastic alliances, and his French marriage had been nothing more. Giangaleazzo went far beyond this, and his alliance had a political rather than a dynastic significance. He had a powerful enemy to fear at the French Court in the person of Isabella of Bavaria, daughter of Taddea Visconti and granddaughter of Bernabo. Isa-

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bella’s fierce, cruel nature and unbridled passions indeed show a close affinity to those of Bernabé, and as the “ she- wolf of France ” she was destined to involve the country in the terrible civil wars of the Burgundians and Armagnacs. She was, in addition, the unwavering enemy of her cousin Giangaleazzo, and from the moment of her arrival in France in 1385 she never ceased working against him with all her influence.

In order to counteract the effects of her wedding Gianga- leazzo revived the idea of a Franco-Visconti match, substi- tuting his own daughter Valentina for Lucia, and the king’s brother Louis Duke of Touraine, and later Duke of Orleans, for the former bridegroom, Louis of Anjou. This meant for the French the establishment of Angevin rule in Naples and Orleanist influence in the north and centre. The Antipope Clement was induced to accept the idea of a kingdom of Adria to be carved out of the States of the Church and given to Touraine. Clement in return for these concessions expected to see France adhering closely to the celebrated policy of the vote de fait, that is, the establish- ment of the supremacy of the Avignon Pope in Italy by force of arms. This policy was now officially adopted by the French Court, and had the support, not only of the king, but of his uncles Burgundy and Berry. The negotia- tions were begun in 1386 and the contract was signed in April, 1387, Isabella being powerless to prevent this, for all the negotiations were carried on whilst her husband and his brother were in Flanders. By the terms of the contract Valentina was to take with her as dowry the city of Asti and the immense sum of 450,000 florins in money. On the fatal question as to whether any claims on Milan, derived through her, were abandoned by Louis or not, it is idle to speculate. By a series of fatalities Valentina’s heirs were destined to be the sole legitimate heirs of Giangaleazzo and the heirs also of the French crown. That being so, their claims were bound to be prosecuted, for history has repeat-

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edly shown that the renunciations of one generation carry no weight with the next. Valentina did not leave Italy until July, 1389. When she finally reached the French Court her beauty and charm produced a great effect. She had the Visconti chestnut hair, accompanied in her case by black eyes. Her natural charms were greatly helped by the glories of her trousseau, which included some marvellous jewels and dresses. She was a far more welcome companion to the poor, weak-minded Charles VI than his own violent wife. Indeed, the influence which she acquired over him was So great as to lead to her ultimate downfall. For the present however she was triumphant, and was able to do much to assist her father, now hard pressed.

Events in Italy indeed moved quickly. Otto of Bruns- wick led the French troops into Naples. At first he met with great success. He drove Ladislas and his mother out of Naples, and with the sanction of Clement VII sold all the treasures of the Church to provide pay for his troops (September, 1387). Pope Urban VI at once placed that kingdom under an interdict, and the people in their misery broke out into revolt. Brunswick’s troops, probably with his connivance, went over to the support of Urban, their defection being a terrible blow not only to the House of Anjou, but to Clement VII. Now came into prominence the plans for a central Italian kingdom, which Clement suggested should be created as compensation for Anjou. The nucleus was to be the Romagnol possessions of the Malatesta—Rinimi, Pesaro, Fossombrone, Imola, Forli, and Bertinoro. Such a scheme was mere moonshine, but it kept the various Courts busy. Preparations were set on foot in France for a great expedition to Italy, which was to end the schism by securing the triumph of Clement in Rome, to prosecute the war on behalf of Anjou in Naples, and to set up the new Kingdom of Adria for Louis of Touraine. Clement himself took the line that Giangaleazzo would welcome this endowment for his son-in-law; nothing in

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reality was farther from the Milanese prince’s wishes. He already disliked French interference in Italy, and again and again we find him casting round for means whereby he could prevent it. At this juncture he was occupied with other foes. The French advance was forestalled by an imperial one. Giangaleazzo’s extraordinary success in seizing first Verona and then Padua had given a great shock to the Italian powers. Florence in particular was appalled at the new and startling light in which Giangaleazzo appeared, and she became hostile to him. More dangerous still, Francesco Carrara, the dispossessed Lord of Padua, fled across the Alps to Bavaria. There his protests and pleadings had more effect on the Bavarian princes than those of Carlo Visconti. Stephen III prepared to invade Milan and collected an army with that object. He had however to secure the consent of Venice before he could cross the Alpine passes. Gianga- leazzo had foreseen this,’and won the friendship of Venice by giving her Treviso. The passes were not opened to Stephen until such delays had taken place as to ruin the hopes of his enterprise. Florence had joined with Bologna and sought French aid against Milan, and her requests were backed by Isabella. Carlo and Mastino, together with their cousin Luchino, all met at Florence, and together with Hawkwood, whose arms had been bought by the great ~ republic, they warred against Giangaleazzo. Stephen of Bavaria was given a condotia by Florence and Bologna, and at length, in 1390, he crossed the Alps. He had in reality come too late, thanks to the delay created by Venice. Francesca Carrara was safely back in Padua and refused to help his allies. Hawkwood defeated the Milanese army under dal Verme and drove it from before Bologna. Verona wavered in her allegiance, and Giangaleazzo’s troops were forced to retreat across the Po. Stephen however had not brought enough troops ; he had arrived at Padua with only 800 lances instead of 12,000. He knew, through Isabella, that France was not in agreement with his advance, and he

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therefore refused to cross the Adige. He remained waiting about at Padua, and occupied himself by marrying the widow of Charles of Durazzo. Florence in vain tried to stir him up, and at last, convinced that he had allowed himself to be tampered with by Giangaleazzo, she deprived him of his condotta, and he retreated across the Alps. He had accomplished nothing except a demonstration of the power and wiles of the Prince of Milan.

Giangaleazzo was now far stronger than he had been, and was able to take a free line and follow his own ideas. He was helped by the death of Urban VI in 1389 and the accession of Boniface IX, who was far more influential than Urban had been and who received more support against Clement. Urban by his violence had alienated many, but Boniface [X adopted a policy of conciliation. He supported Ladislas of Naples, whose campaigns against the French were not meeting with success,

Florence however was still hot against Giangaleazzo, and, undeterred by the collapse of Stephen of Bavaria, she now prepared to support another invader. This was John of Armagnac, one of the greatest nobles in France, whose sister Beatrice had married Carlo Visconti. Armagnac declared that as no one else would avenge Bernabé he would take up that duty and restore his son. He collected an army, largely composed of a “‘ company ” coming from the English wars. Florence, which by now had ample experience of Carlo’s folly and vices, was not warm in his behalf, but agreed that Armagnac should attack Milan. For her part she gave Carlo very small pay and would not allow him in her camp. In March, 1391, the Dukes of Burgundy and Touraine visited Milan. They told Giangaleazzo that the king would forbid Armagnac’s expedition, but Burgundy undertook to try more efficacious measures, and heavy bribes were to be offered. Charles was induced to order the passes to be closed, but too late: Armagnac with a mixed force of Gascons and Bretons slipped across the Alps into

7

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Piedmont. Giangaleazzo tried even then to buy him off, and volunteered to admit the claims of Beatrice if Armagnac would be neutral. John refused, and pushed on to Florence, secure of the support of Queen Isabella and paying no heed to the prohibitions of the king. He failed however to effect a junction with the Florentine contingent under Hawkwood, being behind time, and Acuto had already retreated across the Adige. The Milanese army under dal Verme made a wonderful forced march, and beneath the walls of Alessan- dria a decisive battle was fought, July, 1391. The French were annihilated, and Armagnac himself was killed. Milan gave herself up to rejoicing; religious, processions were organized for three days as a thank-offering and bonfires burnt in the streets all night. She had destroyed the foreigner who had intruded into Italy at the instigation of Florence. Giangaleazzo did not fail to point this out, and attach the moral: “It is better,’ he wrote to Florence, “that Italians should hold Italy rather than afford a foot- hold to the French.”

War did not cease with the defeat of Armagnac; his ally, Florence, continued the struggle for a few more months. Hawkwood won an indecisive victory at Tizzana, but the victory of Giangaleazzo at Cascina induced Florence to come to terms. In January, 1392, the peace of Genoa was signed. Festivities took place in Milan to mark the success with which Giangaleazzo had come out of the long contest. At the great tournament eighty knights jousted, half being dressed in red and half in white, the victor receiving a little model of a lion covered with pearls. Two years later Hawkwood died, and Giangaleazzo no longer had to fear his intervention in any of the disputes which still raged. For the peace of Genoa was little more than a truce. Giangaleazzo tried in vain to come to terms with Carlo; negotiations only resulted in a temporary settlement, for Carlo would never keep any terms if he thought he could better his condition by breaking them. Thus after the

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death of Armagnac he accepted a pension of 1,000 gold florins a month, “‘ while he renounced fully all claims to the Lordship of Milan, both through his father and his mother,” and pledged himself not to come within the Milanese boundaries.

At the same time Giangaleazzo sought to consolidate other alliances. He renewed his league with Genoa, where the Doge was favourable to him, and was kept so by bribes. Bologna was also friendly, and a treaty was negotiated with Montferrat, on the basis of mutual aid against the mer- cenaries and “‘ other joint enemies.” Francesco Gonzaga of Mantua was also reckoned a friend; he had married Bernabé’s daughter Agnese, who, being a violent and revengeful lady, never ceased to oppose her husband’s friendship with Giangaleazzo. When Padua was retaken by the Carrara, Agnese had danced and rejoiced and been beaten by her husband for so doing. Now she committed a more grievous fault; she was tried by the fodestd in February, 1391, for unfaithfulness to her husband. Her lover, Antonio di Scandiano, confessed, and she was executed on the Piazza. Some people saw in this nothing but a manceuvre on the part of Giangaleazzo to remove one of Bernabo’s children ; but, in fact, after the death of Agnese, Francesco did not remain on friendly terms with Milan, and soon went over to the enemy.

Now came an unfortunate change in France. The poor king, in the summer of 1392, went suddenly mad, and though he had lucid intervals he became unfit for governing. He refused to see his wife, preferring Valentina’s more soothing manners. Isabella instantly spread the story that Valentina by her sorceries was responsible for the king’s madness. Louis made no effort to defend his wife, and the popular outcry became so great that Valentina was obliged to withdraw from Court and take up her residence at Blois. Isabella was triumphant, and plunged at once into the intrigues with Philip of Burgundy, bitter enemy of Louis,

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which led to civil war. She was not however able to control foreign policy, for there the king’s brother and the great nobles checked her. Indeed, relations with Italy had changed also: a fresh League had come into being, this time called the ‘‘ League of Bologna,’ the members being Bologna, Florence, Padua, Ferrara, Mantua, Faenza, Ravenna, Imola, while help was offered by Bernard of Armagnac and also by Bavaria, whose offer Florence indignantly refused. Giangaleazzo received notice of this from Benedict IX and instantly set to work to negotiate with France. His plans were very complicated. On the one hand, he pretended the new League was against France and offered a close alliance, while he begged that France would not interfere in the question of Bernabdo’s heirs, nor allow any Frenchman to do so. On the other hand, he was really determined to prevent any French expedition to Italy, and feared that one was impending in support of Clement VII. Charles VI agreed to leave the question of Bernabo’s heirs alone, but he was anxious to arbitrate in the quarrel between Bavaria and Milan; he was also anxious to obtain from Giangaleazzo a definite declaration of support for Clement VII. This Giangaleazzo would not give, saying that he would be prepared to support Clement in the event of the French army coming into Italy. Negotia- tions dragged on, and were complicated by the quarrel between Orleans and the Duke of Burgundy over the Regency. Valentina was living in exile away from the Court and could not help her father. Burgundy and the Queen united against Milan and entered into relations with Florence. Giangaleazzo saw that the French alliance was weakening. However, in September, 1394, the death of Clement VII relieved Giangaleazzo of many anxieties. The talk of a kingdom in Middle Italy for Louis of Touraine, now Duke of Orleans, was definitely abandoned. Orleans himself was invited by a party in Genoa to come and take over the suzerainty of the city and prepared an

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-=pedition, mp the way was clear for negotiations with Bavaria.

The close of the year 1394 saw Giangaleazzo’s diplomacy completely successful. He first made an offensive and defensive treaty with Louis of Orleans, by which Louis undertook not to interfere in the affairs of Lombardy, while Giangaleazzo renounced all views on Bologna and Genoa. Then came the Bavarian treaty. Negotiations proceeded — smoothly. It was agreed that Elizabeth, who with Lucia was the only remaining unmarried daughter of Bernabd, should marry Ernest Duke of Bavaria. Her sister Anglesia had been betrothed shortly before to Frederick of Nurem- berg. The Dukes of Bavaria were now to become recognized relations of Giangaleazzo and were not to work against him on the suggestion of nearer relatives. A dowry of 75,000 crowns was to be provided, and a great list exists of the jewels to be given, which included “a pearl head-dress with rubies,’ and others valued at 10,000 florins; and the marriage took place by proxy at Pavia. Elizabeth, however, never went to Bavaria, for the Bavarian dukes at this juncture quarrelled amongst themselves, and for two years civil war raged. Giangaleazzo raised no objection to the delay, for he had secured his own ends, and besides it was not convenient to pay the remaining 25,000 florins due for the dowry.

Now came the climax of Giangaleazzo’s achievement. The French alliance having become so doubtful, owing to the supremacy of Isabella, he decided to seek support else- where : he turned his attention to central Europe and began negotiations with the Empire. The Emperor Wenceslas was weak and unpopular ; he was open to bribery, and by paying an enormous sum Giangaleazzo obtained from him the title of Duke of Milan.

The coronation took place in the Piazza di San Ambrogio, where stands were erected covered with purple cloth, banners with the arms of the Empire and the Visconti were

be Eilat ol fie fee

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held on each side of the throne. Giangaleazzo knelt and swore fealty to the Emperor. The mantle was put around his shoulders and the cap placed upon his head by the Emperor’s lieutenant. The clergy sang a hymn of praise to God, and Pietro Filargo pronounced a eulogy on the duke. Amid scenes of great splendour he rode, clad in the ducal mantle and wearing the ducal cap, to the old court of the Arrengo, where tables for all the guests were spread in the open air. The Bishop of Novara gave an oration, and ambassadors from Venice, Florence, Bologna, and Sicily attended the banquets and jousts which celebrated the event. At the great banquet the guests feasted off a stag roasted whole, pork, chickens, goat, boars, peacocks, partridge, lampreys, trout, and sturgeon. In between the courses they washed their fingers in scented water, brought round in golden bowls. All the plate used was of gold, and musicians played during the hours the entertainment lasted. Gifts for all present were brought in at the end, and included vases of gold and silver, collars, rings of gold and jewels, brocades, and horses. The dukedom was to be hereditary and descend to heirs male; it included Lodi, Crema, Cremona, Brescia, Bergamo, Como, Lugano, Bellinzona, Bormio, the Valtellina, Novara, Alessandria, Tortona, Vercelli, Pontremoli, Bobbio, Sarzana, Verona, Vicenza, Feltre, Belluno, Bassano, Parma, Piacenza, Reggio and Arezzo. Pavia was made a separate county and included Pavia, Valenza, and Casale,

The “tyrant and usurper ’”’ had become a lawful prince. Such a title had been in Giangaleazzo’s mind for some time. In his proposals to France he had asked that in the event of Charles VI becoming Emperor he should make him a duke, and Clement VII was to do the same if he had the power. The Bavarian princes had helped to smooth the way, and Wenceslas had thought he could take the step. In this he was mistaken. No one could controvert the position of the new duke, but the German princes fell upon Wenceslas, and

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the granting of the title was one of the chief reasons put forward for his deposition, on the ground that he had diminished the rights of the Empire in Italy.

The fall of Wenceslas was unfortunate for Milan. During the five years which followed the creation of the dukedom Giangaleazzo was chiefly occupied with his conquests in Italy. He avoided trouble with France over Genoa by ceding his claims to the French king. Isabella, aided by Bernard of Armagnac, stirred up Florence and Carrara, but Giangaleazzo far more than held his own. Any idea of a French expedition unfriendly to Milan was put an end to by the news of the crushing defeat of Hungary by the Turks at Nicopolis. A very large number of the French nobility had gone to serve in the Hungarian army, and their loss made further military effort impossible. Another ally for Milan in South Germany was sought in the Landgrave of Thuringia, whose son Frederick was betrothed to Lucia Visconti. Poor Lucia had never yet obtained a husband. Louis of Anjou had long since been lost ; proposals by John of Gaunt for her to marry his son Henry of Hereford, later Henry IV, were refused on account of the quarrel between Henry and Richard II, with whom Giangaleazzo wished to remain on good terms. Now she was once more betrothed with due formality to the Thuringian prince and a dowry of 75,000 florins promised. Trouble was brewing in Germany, and Thuringia was reported the enemy of Rupert of Bavaria, who was threatening to make himself Emperor. The alliance was a failure. A league of German princes was formed by Rupert in May, 1399, and Thuringia joined it with the rest. In 1400 came the deposition of Wenceslas and the accession of Rupert of the Palatinate, who at once entered into an alliance with Isabella and Armagnac. In vain did King Charles VI and Orleans support Giangaleazzo. Rupert relied upon the queen, sent for Carlo Visconti, made a treaty with Florence, and in September, 1401, crossed the Alps. His avowed intention was to depose Giangaleazzo as

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a usurper. His expedition was brought to an end even more speedily than the previous ones of Stephen and Armagnac ; he reached Brescia on October 21, 1401, and was completely defeated by Giangaleazzo’s army under the command of Terzo and Facino Cane. Rupert retired and interfered no further in Italy. Giangaleazzo made a speech to the Venetian ambassadors: ‘“‘ Florence,’ he said, ‘according to her wont, brought into Italy the French and the Germans, strange and barbarous nations, enemies of the Italian name, and would have set over Italians those whom Nature, by the barrier of the Alps, has excluded from Italy. And such is their blindness that they do not see that if the French and the Germans come into Italy it will be the common ruin of all Italians, and will ruin them as well as the rest.”

With this final repulse of the invaders Giangaleazzo’s work in the realm of foreign policy may be said to close. He was full of activity and more powerful than ever, but he was not destined to have much longer to live. Though his negotiations were complicated, and his foreign affairs closely intertwined with the struggle which he was perpetu- ally making in Italy, yet the main lines of his policy are clear. He was surrounded by Bernabo’s heirs, and he continually strove by alliances to counteract that influence. France and South Germany alike had to be won. He was not able solely through diplomacy to ward off trouble ; his enemies were strong enough to bring about the three invading expeditions. He beat back those expeditions, and once more built up alliances, but through every event he saw Clearly the need for keeping the foreigner out. Thus, though many saw in his premature death the salvation of Italy, it seems clear that they were mistaken: Italy was to go down under the foreign expeditions of the next century, and, as the best political minds saw, she could have been saved only by a strong prince who would have kept out the foreigner ; such a prince was Giangaleazzo.

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ITALIAN Policy oF GIANGALEAZZO

Great as were his achievements in foreign affairs, Gianga- leazzo accomplished even more in Italy. His conquests extended the boundaries of Milan farther than would have seemed possible to his forerunners. He became the greatest prince in the peninsula, and it is to the vast possibilities of union under his rule that his reign owes its chief fascination.

His policy generally proceeded on uniform lines : he would stir up a dispute between two States, would side with one party and arrange jointly to conquer the other, and he would then keep the spoils for himself and proceed to pick a quarrel with his ally. Yet, as Machiavelli says of Ferdinand of Aragon, though he always deceived everybody, he yet always found someone to deceive. He conducted his affairs on amicable lines as far as that was possible, and bore no ill will to those who withstood him. Thus, when the Marquis of Mantua saved his city by an ingenious forgery of Giangaleazzo’s name, the Milanese prince took his defeat philosophically, and later employed the marquis as one of his captains. He never after the death of his father led his own armies. He seems to have grasped the modern idea that the head of a State does best as director and organizer. He was indeed the brain which thought out all, but he devolved the execution of his plans upon others. Thus he employed at various times all the great condottieri of Italy, including Gonzaga, Malatesta, Facino Cane, Jacopo dal Verme, and Alberico da Barbiano. He was well served and apparently well liked by his captains. There is no instance of treachery towards him, and after his death his young son was saved by the exertions of the soldiers he had employed in his lifetime.

His first great acquisition was Verona. In 1386, after the marriage of Valentina and Louis of Orleans, Giangaleazzo entered into negotiations with Francesco Carrara Lord of Padua. The Carraresi were one of the many families in

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Northern and Central Italy who were making themselves into princes. They had in the past fifty years rapidly extended their possessions, thanks largely to the friendship of Venice. Francesco had deserted the policy of his House and sided with the Hungarians when they attacked Venice in 1356. As a reward Hungary had given him Feltre, Belluno, and Cividale. These gains however scarcely com- pensate for the anger of Venice, betrayed, as she held, by a House which she had consistently befriended. Carrara, blind to the danger, went even further, and in the great war of Chioggia between Venice and Genoa, which raged in 1373, he took sides with Genoa. With his assistance Chioggia was actually captured and made over to him. His triumph was short, for while Carrara went to besiege Treviso, Venice retook Chioggia. Later Francesco bought Feltre, Valsugana, and Treviso from Leopold of Austria, and thereby came into conflict with the Scaligers of Verona, who coveted Feltre and Belluno. Venice, unforgiving of all the injuries Carrara had done her, instigated Antonio della Scala to attack Padua and supplied him with funds. Giangaleazzo, who through his